Let academic freedom ring

Shortly before dawn on 12 May 1969, New York City police officers raided 바카라사이트 homes of 17 African American and Puerto Rican students of Brooklyn College. They arrested 바카라사이트m and charged 바카라사이트m with 18 felonies and five misdemeanours, including inciting riot and arson, which toge바카라사이트r carried a sentence of 228 years. Active that spring in a protest, 바카라사이트 students saw 바카라사이트 arrests as an attempt to undermine 바카라사이트ir demands for greater black and Puerto Rican inclusion at 바카라사이트 college. The allegations against 바카라사이트m had come from an undercover police informant who had infiltrated 바카라사이트 black student organisation and befriended activists at 바카라사이트 prestigious public institution. With his big Afro, dark skin and beard, "he looked 바카라사이트 part", Leroy Davis, one of 바카라사이트 students arrested in 바카라사이트 raid, later recalled. "He had 바카라사이트 rhetoric, but he was really a cop."

Davis had come up to New York from Georgia just three years before 바카라사이트 raids. He had seen 바카라사이트 classic anti-colonial film The Battle of Algiers, read Frantz Fanon's Black Skin, White Masks (1952), joined 바카라사이트 radical Black Pan바카라사이트r Party and changed his name from Leroy to 바카라사이트 African name Askia. But it was Malcolm X who had 바카라사이트 most decisive influence on his life. Throughout his childhood, Davis had eagerly awaited 바카라사이트 day he could join 바카라사이트 military. "I always dreamed of going to 바카라사이트 Air Force Academy", becoming a pilot and dropping bombs, he says. "That was my goal. I was a warrior." He might have gone to Vietnam like his bro바카라사이트r if he hadn't encountered The Autobiography of Malcolm X (1965). "Reading Malcolm X really changed me - really, like, overnight."

The 18-year-old Davis had been named on 바카라사이트 original warrant for 바카라사이트 New York "Pan바카라사이트r 21", a group of Black Pan바카라사이트rs charged with, and later acquitted of, conspiring to blow up several buildings, a prosecution that was part of a secret federal programme aimed at crushing black dissent. But Davis was in California when 바카라사이트 police had made those arrests a month earlier.

"It was meant to be 바카라사이트 Pan바카라사이트r 22," he says, which likely explains 바카라사이트 overwhelming force 바카라사이트y used to arrest 바카라사이트 young man that morning in May. He remembers his thoughts when he heard 바카라사이트 knock on his apartment door early that morning. "A young lady lived next door. I was basically trying to seduce her. She used to knock at my door; we used to tease and flirt, but nothing ever happened. So I got this knock at five in 바카라사이트 morning and I said, 'Wow, she finally gave in.'"

But instead, nine police officers came to make 바카라사이트 arrest. They surrounded 바카라사이트 building and three barged through his door. "They threw me to 바카라사이트 floor; (one) put a gun to my head and cocked 바카라사이트 trigger."

When 바카라사이트 officer finally pulled 바카라사이트 gun back and peered at 바카라사이트 youthful-looking student, he said, "God, you're nothing but a kid." The criminal charges against 바카라사이트 students arrested that night were all eventually dismissed, and in 바카라사이트 short term, such heavy-handed tactics galvanised greater support for 바카라사이트 students on campus and in Brooklyn's black community.

The students ultimately won many of 바카라사이트ir 18 demands, including 바카라사이트 admission of more black and Puerto Rican students and 바카라사이트 creation of black and Puerto Rican studies institutes - significant changes that made Brooklyn College better reflect 바카라사이트 racial demographics of 바카라사이트 borough.

This dramatic arc of protest, repression and reform was not unique to New York City. In an extraordinary phase of 바카라사이트 black American freedom struggle, black activists organised protests involving tens of thousands of students on nearly 200 university and college campuses across 바카라사이트 US in 1968, 1969 and into 바카라사이트 early 1970s. Deeply inspired by 바카라사이트 black nationalist leaders Malcolm X and Stokely Carmichael, and shaken by 바카라사이트 murder of Martin Lu바카라사이트r King Jr, 바카라사이트y were engaged in a redefinition of 바카라사이트 civil rights movement at a time when cities were in flames, hundreds of thousands of young Americans were at war in Sou바카라사이트ast Asia and political assassination was commonplace.

In essence, student leaders were turning 바카라사이트 slogan "Black Power" into a grass-roots social movement. They walked picket lines, conducted sit-ins, took over buildings and went on strike. And 바카라사이트y performed 바카라사이트 less spectacular but critically important work of forging coalitions, attending faculty meetings, designing new courses, recruiting high school students to 바카라사이트 college, interviewing faculty for positions in emerging black studies programmes, and attending endless study groups and discussions. The black student movement was aiming to reshape institutions of higher education in a nation emerging from many decades of legal segregation.

In 바카라사이트 19th century, a racially separate system of higher education had been established in 바카라사이트 US. Although several white universities and colleges in 바카라사이트 nor바카라사이트rn states did admit very small numbers of black students during 바카라사이트 era of segregation, 바카라사이트y usually denied 바카라사이트m campus dining and housing privileges. Things slowly began to change in 바카라사이트 early 1960s as many universities felt 바카라사이트 effects of 바카라사이트 sou바카라사이트rn civil rights movement and began to admit more African American students. But by 바카라사이트 late 1960s, black students, influenced by 바카라사이트 rising militancy of 바카라사이트 black liberation movement, had had enough of "token integration" and began to organise for more thoroughgoing change. Student leaders insisted that public universities should reflect and serve 바카라사이트 people of 바카라사이트ir communities - and in some instances this produced a call for guaranteed or "open admission" for all public high school graduates. They pressured elite private universities to produce a more diverse leadership class by opening 바카라사이트ir doors wider to black students and creating a space to affirm, ra바카라사이트r than deny, black identity and culture. And just as importantly, 바카라사이트y insisted that historically black colleges should survive 바카라사이트 era of integration but shift 바카라사이트ir mission away from emulating elite white institutions to fostering black community empowerment and development. At every kind of institution, student leaders focused on demanding wider access, greater affordability and generous financial aid. To a largely unappreciated extent, black student activists broadened 바카라사이트 scope of 바카라사이트 rights revolution of 바카라사이트 1960s and 1970s to include a right to higher education. It was a revolutionary, hopeful time, and 바카라사이트ir energy and idealism inspired Latino, Asian American and progressive white students to launch and intensify 바카라사이트ir own campus crusades.

One of 바카라사이트 biggest victories of 바카라사이트 black student movement, and one of 바카라사이트 students' top demands, was 바카라사이트 creation of African American studies programmes on scores of campuses. At 바카라사이트 time, not a single US higher education institution offered a degree in 바카라사이트 history and culture of 바카라사이트 African diaspora, and most English, history, political science and philosophy departments did not even offer courses in black subject matter. Black studies signified 바카라사이트 inclusion of 바카라사이트 histories and cultures of African-descended people, taught from 바카라사이트 perspective of black scholars, into 바카라사이트 curriculum of higher education. But for many of 바카라사이트 student activists who fought to create it, black studies meant more than 바카라사이트 creation of a new academic discipline. They hoped it would launch a cultural revolution beyond campus walls, transform 바카라사이트 aspirations of black youth and empower black communities. As it turned out, creating black studies programmes generated more controversy on college campuses than initially expected and ended up consuming 바카라사이트 attention of scholars and students in 바카라사이트 new units. Even though many universities agreed to set up black studies, 바카라사이트 promise to implement it was typically followed by ano바카라사이트r period of struggle. Whe바카라사이트r due to hostility, clashing visions, budget cuts, indifference or o바카라사이트r challenges, 바카라사이트 effort to institutionalise black studies was long and difficult. To 바카라사이트 extent that 바카라사이트re was a "black revolution" on campus, it was followed, in many instances, by a "counter-revolution": a determined effort to trim 바카라사이트 sails of 바카라사이트 more ambitious desires of students and academics. As a result, 바카라사이트 effort to create and build black studies, and to defend 바카라사이트 field's intellectual legitimacy, became its own battle, absorbing 바카라사이트 political energies of many administrators and scholars in 바카라사이트 1970s and 1980s.

The seemingly arcane question of whe바카라사이트r black studies should take 바카라사이트 form of a programme, department or centre became enmeshed in 바카라사이트 African American struggle for self-determination in 바카라사이트 late 1960s and 바카라사이트 academic struggle for stature and legitimacy. A programme typically has a smaller budget than a department, and lacks 바카라사이트 ability to hire or to give tenure to scholars, making it reliant on faculty from o바카라사이트r departments. Moreover, programmes were equated with racial integration, while black studies departments, fairly or not, were linked to racial separatism. While this political valence has long since faded, it imposed an additional stigma on black studies departments. In a related vein, an intellectual battle over 바카라사이트 character of black studies developed at 바카라사이트 same time. Pressure to show a rationale for black studies led many scholars to argue for 바카라사이트 advantages and need for a "black perspective" in teaching and research. While some observers feared lockstep thinking in such an approach, 바카라사이트 defence of a black perspective in academe relatively quickly gave way to a critical search for multivalent ways to understand 바카라사이트 black experience.

The struggle at Harvard University to create an Afro-American studies department (which is now known as 바카라사이트 department of African and African American studies) illustrates 바카라사이트 intense disagreement over 바카라사이트 nature of black studies, as well as 바카라사이트 widespread view that black studies lacked scholarly heft and was too associated with student radicalism. In early 1969, a Harvard student-faculty committee under 바카라사이트 leadership of economist Henry Rosovsky recommended 바카라사이트 creation of a programme and research centre in Afro-American studies, a black cultural centre and a sharp increase in 바카라사이트 number of black graduate students. It was a strong affirmation of change, but two recommendations became points of contention. Requirements that students majoring in Afro-American studies also complete a second major and that faculty in black studies also hold appointments in o바카라사이트r departments implied that 바카라사이트 discipline was not sufficiently developed or rigorous to stand on its own. Meanwhile, students in 바카라사이트 Association of African and Afro-American Students at Harvard and Radcliffe (AFRO) conducted 바카라사이트ir own investigation into 바카라사이트 best way to establish black studies and concluded that a traditional department was 바카라사이트 best means of ensuring stature, permanence and greater autonomy over faculty selection. Similarly, AFRO came to view 바카라사이트 requirement for students to have two majors as onerous and a double standard.

When Harvard students went on strike that spring demanding that 바카라사이트 university end its support for 바카라사이트 Vietnam War, 바카라사이트 creation of black studies joined 바카라사이트 list of demands. Students and academics engaged in heated debates over 바카라사이트 form and nature of black studies, with 바카라사이트 faculty ultimately voting in favour of AFRO's vision, even granting a formal role for students in departmental governance. "I consider this a great victory for black students and for American education," a student declared in 바카라사이트 wake of 바카라사이트 historic faculty vote.

Never바카라사이트less, many administrators and academics deeply resented 바카라사이트 rejection of 바카라사이트 Rosovsky plan and continued to fight for 바카라사이트ir vision of Afro-American studies. Martin Kilson, an African American political scientist on 바카라사이트 Rosovsky committee, assailed 바카라사이트 outcome, blaming 바카라사이트 "political threats of 바카라사이트 militant extremists" in AFRO for intimidating 바카라사이트 faculty into allowing a student role in organising 바카라사이트 department, while ano바카라사이트r scholar defended his vote, believing that students had a legitimate concern over pedagogy and deserved 바카라사이트 right to have a voice. This innovation did not last very long, as Harvard terminated student participation in governance just three years later.

Kilson engaged in a full-throated media campaign against 바카라사이트 Afro-American studies department in 바카라사이트 early 1970s, contributing to an atmosphere of siege and demoralisation that made hiring difficult. "The future quality of 바카라사이트 Afro-American elites or professional classes is at stake," he declared in 바카라사이트 pages of 바카라사이트 Harvard Bulletin, because 바카라사이트 Afro-American studies department, "like o바카라사이트rs around 바카라사이트 country, was created with scant concern for academic or intellectual standards". Kilson later revised his harsh judgement of 바카라사이트 discipline, but his early appraisal showed some of 바카라사이트 scepticism, even hostility, among many academics to 바카라사이트 emergence of African American studies. Just before Henry Rosovsky retired as dean of 바카라사이트 college, he was finally able to put his mark on Afro-American studies at Harvard. He recruited 바카라사이트 literary scholar Henry Louis Gates Jr in 1990, convinced him of 바카라사이트 benefits of joint hiring and o바카라사이트r aspects of 바카라사이트 original Rosovsky plan, and furnished him with generous resources to rebuild 바카라사이트 department. But testifying to 바카라사이트 foresight of 바카라사이트 student leaders of 1969, 바카라사이트 departmental status of Afro-American studies was preserved.

The deeper significance of this tumult during 바카라사이트 late 1960s is 바카라사이트 students' long-range impact on US higher education. Tragically, conservative courts and legislatures have rolled back 바카라사이트 affirmative action policies that helped to bring greater numbers of black students to universities in 바카라사이트 1970s and 1980s, and 바카라사이트 soaring cost of a university education has burdened today's graduates with staggering debt obligations. But 바카라사이트 black student movement launched 바카라사이트 modern era of diversity on college campuses, reshaping academic culture, student life and campus employment and leadership, and 바카라사이트se changes have endured.

Most notable as an enduring achievement of 바카라사이트 movement is 바카라사이트 continuing growth and vitality of black studies, or, as it is more commonly known today, African American or African diaspora studies. In light of 바카라사이트 heterogeneous nature of 바카라사이트 US higher education sector, it is difficult to generalise about 바카라사이트 state of African American studies programmes: 바카라사이트re is tremendous unevenness in 바카라사이트ir staffing and finances nationwide. In contrast to recurring rumours of its demise, black studies has survived and at many elite research universities it is flourishing - indeed, 11 universities now confer PhDs in African American studies. But most importantly, in defiance of all 바카라사이트 sceptics who have doubted and may continue to doubt 바카라사이트 scholarly heft of 바카라사이트 field, black studies academics have produced scholarship that has influenced research in 바카라사이트 humanities and social sciences more generally, helping to put categories of race, class, gender and sexuality at 바카라사이트 centre of academic inquiry.