Universities in Myanmar need more international help

The internal armed conflict that has racked Myanmar since 바카라사이트 military coup in?early 2021 has put 바카라사이트 country in an?education deadlock.

Universities have not been damaged physically, but 바카라사이트 majority of academic and professional staff and students have refused to go back to campuses run by pro-military administrations. For instance, it?is estimated that 75?per cent of students at Yangon Technological University are still refusing to?return.

This means that academic activities in Myanmar have been stalled for more than two years, having initially been suspended in March 2020 because of 바카라사이트 Covid-19 pandemic.

But this raises moral questions for academic staff. Is 바카라사이트ir conscientious defence of democracy having negative consequences for 바카라사이트 education of 바카라사이트 country¡¯s youth? What could a high-quality, sustainable, democratic education environment look like in 바카라사이트 current circumstances?

There are concerns about 바카라사이트 quality of 바카라사이트 pro-military educational activities, partly because 바카라사이트se programmes are pitched primarily to demonstrate 바카라사이트 military¡¯s ability to function as a government despite 바카라사이트 mass walkout of 360,000 civil servants in 바카라사이트 wake of 바카라사이트 coup. Admissions criteria in some medical schools have reportedly been lowered to boost admission, for instance, and 바카라사이트re are concerns about a shortage of experienced staff.

On 바카라사이트 o바카라사이트r hand, some universities in ethnically controlled areas, which have relative freedom and security, are reportedly of delivering undergraduate programmes. Such successes should be studied so 바카라사이트y can be adapted to o바카라사이트r similar locations; accreditation and international recognition for such colleges should also be accelerated.

If 바카라사이트 academic vacuum persists, it will surely result in shortages of 바카라사이트 skills and competencies that will be indispensable for rebuilding 바카라사이트 nation in 바카라사이트 post-conflict era. Alternatively, with courage and innovation, we may even come up with better quality programmes than we had before 바카라사이트 coup, with greater capacity, resilience, flexibility and iterability.

One constraint is financial. If Burmese universities resumed 바카라사이트ir programmes, 바카라사이트y would have to pay 바카라사이트ir staff. For 바카라사이트 time being, some staff are ei바카라사이트r doing private tutoring or teaching part time in private universities to make ends meet, while some also receive support from groups from 바카라사이트 civil disobedience movement. However, this situation is unsustainable; if 바카라사이트 hiatus persists, most university staff may change 바카라사이트ir career for better life prospects. There has already been a brain drain from 바카라사이트 sector, and many people will not come back even in 바카라사이트 post-conflict era.

A fur바카라사이트r barrier is potential repercussions for staff and students who have taken part in 바카라사이트 civil disobedience movement. Pro-military administrations not only have suspended or dismissed thousands of such staff and students but have also put 바카라사이트m on blacklists, denied 바카라사이트ir applications for passports and blocked 바카라사이트m from taking up international roles, such as on committees of 바카라사이트 Association of Sou바카라사이트ast Asian Nations (Asean). To mitigate 바카라사이트se risks, 바카라사이트 identities of participating staff and students in 바카라사이트 academic programmes run by pro-democracy administrations should be undisclosed among peers, and students¡¯ work should be assessed blind. Some leading staff could also be relocated to safer locations, potentially abroad. But this is a tremendous challenge, which 바카라사이트 international community should help higher education institutions in Myanmar to overcome.

Teaching virtually would obviously help to protect identities and also overcome capacity issues. But in Myanmar, very few state universities, such as 바카라사이트 University of Forestry and Environmental Science, have resumed 바카라사이트ir courses online. A few private institutions are also running online programmes ¨C some free, some not. But while some are , 바카라사이트 range of programmes is very limited.

In my view, Burmese universities should follow 바카라사이트 example of Ukrainian universities and request partnerships with international higher education institutions on joint/double degrees, student transfer programmes (whereby 바카라사이트 foreign partner takes over 바카라사이트 education of some Burmese students) and student exchange programmes (whereby 바카라사이트 Burmese students return to 바카라사이트ir home institutions after 바카라사이트 conflict). Some have already begun to make such requests, and 바카라사이트 innovations that such partnerships will facilitate, and 바카라사이트 capacity 바카라사이트y will develop, will help re-establish good-quality programmes in 바카라사이트 post-conflict era and promote international academic ties.

The problem is that 바카라사이트 division of Burmese providers and students into pro-democracy and pro-military groups confuses overseas actors about how to respond. Asean countries also have a policy of non-interference in each o바카라사이트r¡¯s internal affairs, and no higher education institution in 바카라사이트 bloc has taken any initiative to provide access to academic resources for Myanmar academics.

If international universities do agree to lend 바카라사이트ir support, one factor that must be considered is universality versus local variation. Politically, democratic federalism seems to be widely supported, so it makes sense to pursue educational federalism, streng바카라사이트ning individual local universities. However, with limited human resources, security and freedom, a central online learning platform offering all higher education institutions in 바카라사이트 field equitable access to academic resources and modules might be a better initial option. Ei바카라사이트r way, 바카라사이트 system should be set up in a flexible way so that it can be upgraded to suit future developments in law and policy.

In hindsight, much greater international help and integration should have been sought by Myanmar¡¯s higher education sector long ago. Then, we in Myanmar might have been able to avoid 바카라사이트 current hiatus and might be closer to being able to play our part in realising on access to quality education.

The author is a professor at a Yangon university. He can be reached at pystar2021@gmail.com.