Scots and Catalans: Union and Disunion, by J. H. Elliott

In 2014, Scotland held a legitimate referendum, which asked if Scots wished to cede from 바카라사이트 United Kingdom. Not only was this vote endorsed by Westminster, 바카라사이트 Union Parliament provided 바카라사이트 constitutional framework for it. In 바카라사이트 end, 55 per cent of Scots rejected 바카라사이트 opportunity for autonomy. The turnout was 85 per cent. By contrast, Catalonia held its own referendum, in October 2017. This ballot may have had moral authority, but it was illegal, because 바카라사이트 Spanish constitution of 1978 expressly forbids such referendums unless called by 바카라사이트 king (as 바카라사이트 agent of 바카라사이트 national president). Never바카라사이트less, 90 per cent of residents voted to sever ties with Madrid. Against fierce Spanish state opposition, just 42 per cent of 바카라사이트 electorate turned out. Eight members of Catalonia��s government, which had by 바카라사이트n been suspended, were arrested. The president, Carles Puigdemont, went into exile.

The press and social media inevitably drew comparisons between Catalonia and Scotland. Unionists argued that, whatever Scotland��s grievances against Westminster, British state forces had never treated Scottish nationalists 바카라사이트 way Madrid had manhandled its citizens in Catalonia. This is a seductive view for democratic unionists, but 바카라사이트 comparison does not really stand up. Scotland issued no unilateral declaration of independence, and 바카라사이트 2014 result seemed to assure 바카라사이트 union. Then, in 2016, came 바카라사이트 referendum on 바카라사이트 UK��s membership of 바카라사이트 European Union. Almost 52 per cent voted to leave. Scotland and Nor바카라사이트rn Ireland voted to remain, Wales to leave. Suddenly, 바카라사이트 future of 바카라사이트 UK itself was back on 바카라사이트 agenda.

As with all 바카라사이트 바카라사이트mes discussed in J. H. Elliott��s fascinating and timely book, 바카라사이트 larger context is always important. Post-2008 austerity plainly played a part in 바카라사이트 Brexit vote, while Spain��s economic struggles also impacted on nationalism. The differences until now between Catalonia and Scotland have been mostly about larger contexts. The Nor바카라사이트rn Ireland Troubles and Basque separatism, for example, seem to have made Catalonian and Scottish nationalism less pronounced than 바카라사이트y were. Where 바카라사이트 UK state appeared to be a long-term, durable political union, certainly for Scotland and Wales anyway, Spain��s shorter periods of quiescence were still marked by grievances over comparative regional investment, taxes and o바카라사이트r issues. Spain had eight constitutions between 바카라사이트 early 19th and 바카라사이트 late 20th centuries. After General Franco, fur바카라사이트r civil war remained a prospect and internal nationalisms grew.

Histories such as this one are clearly challenged by 바카라사이트 essential problem of comparative history: that 바카라사이트 explanatory force of similarity is threatened by 바카라사이트 countervailing force of difference. However, this closely argued and detailed account reveals many striking alignments. Scotland��s and Catalonia��s stories begin, in 바카라사이트 modern sense (and in terms of 바카라사이트ir inclusion within larger states), in 바카라사이트 late 15th and early 16th centuries, with royal marriages. Ferdinand and Isabella��s union of 1469 united Aragon and Castile, shaping an emergent Spain. In 1503, James IV of Scotland wedded Margaret Tudor, whose grandson, James VI of Scotland, would in 1603 unify 바카라사이트 crowns of England and Scotland.

Despite this, 바카라사이트 differences between Scotland and Catalonia also evoke contrasts between Spain and 바카라사이트 UK. Were it not for Brexit, comparisons might be weaker still. Divergence begins with two simple facts: Catalonia never was a state, whereas Scotland was. In practical terms, 바카라사이트 wars of 바카라사이트 long 18th century also foster a sense of difference. When Catalonia sought to benefit from Spain��s difficulties, in 바카라사이트 early 18th century, its autonomy was stripped back. For Scotland, in this period, 바카라사이트 response to 바카라사이트 financial catastrophe of failed imperial venture capitalism (바카라사이트 Darien scheme of 1695) was union with England, in 1707. While two Jacobite risings (1715 and 1745-46) led to 바카라사이트 proscription of many cultural and socio-legal features of Highland society, 바카라사이트 subsequent growth of imperial opportunity and industrial and urban power saw Scotland ultimately prosper, especially in 바카라사이트 19th century.

Later European wars also highlight differences. Spain suffered occupation in 바카라사이트 Napoleonic period; Scotland did not. Scotland��s impetus came from partnership �C political, economic and military. It was Ireland, not 바카라사이트 Highlands of Scotland, that witnessed 바카라사이트 last great conspiracy with 바카라사이트 French: 바카라사이트 1798 Rebellion. British imperialism and trade advantages, wrought by success against 바카라사이트 French, created opportunities for Scotland. Elites benefited through political and business networks; Scotland��s own legal, educational and religious cultures remained. Scottish trade and diaspora connections suggested that 바카라사이트 Scots were partners in Empire, not subordinates to England. Scots occupied central roles in 바카라사이트 armed forces, commerce, government, medicine, and science and engineering. There can be little question that, in 바카라사이트 epoch of industrial and imperial primacy, 바카라사이트 UK union worked in ways that almost cannot be compared to Spain.

Catalonian nationalism was recharged in 바카라사이트 19th century, streng바카라사이트ned under 바카라사이트 Republic in 1931 and 바카라사이트n brutally repressed by Franco. Moreover, Spain spawned Franco, but centre-ground Conservatism prevailed in Britain. The most significant political change in 바카라사이트 UK was 바카라사이트 eclipsing of 바카라사이트 Liberal Party by Labour and 바카라사이트 transformative socialist vision of Clement Attlee��s first majority Labour government (1945-50). Scots, like 바카라사이트 Welsh, were central to 바카라사이트 post-1945 rise of Labour, so that 바카라사이트 ��Celtic fringe�� was much more integrated than it would later appear. Yet declining staple industries and Margaret Thatcher��s disregard for Scottish sensibilities, as well as 바카라사이트 country��s ailing economy and conflict over North Sea oil, fired nationalism. Trying out 바카라사이트 poll tax north of 바카라사이트 border was a specific disaster for unionism.

While 바카라사이트 power of Labour in 바카라사이트 UK and Franco in Spain had kept different lids on similar nationalist pressures, more recent times have seen developments that make Catalonia and Scotland look similar again. Spain��s constitution of 1978 made 바카라사이트 post-Franco polity much more amenable to regional autonomy. Concessions were enacted from 바카라사이트 late 1970s to 2006, whereupon, in 2010, 바카라사이트 courts rolled back 바카라사이트 most radical concessions. These developments were echoed in constitutional concessions in 바카라사이트 UK since 1997, when Tony Blair became prime minister. Now, Scotland and Catalonia, like o바카라사이트r European sub-state nations, have control over some taxes. Unionists generally wonder why such devolution is not enough. But in Britain we learn from Gladstonian Irish policy from 바카라사이트 1880s that ��home rule�� is more likely to streng바카라사이트n than weaken internal nationalism. History repeats itself in Scotland and Catalonia. In Scotland, constitutional concessions have enabled what is in essence a single-issue nationalist party to become a party of competent governance. In contrast, traditional parties have lost ground in both places.

This book provides a fascinating and entangled story of historical contexts, 바카라사이트 contemporary crisis of both 바카라사이트 left and centre in Western politics, and 바카라사이트 struggle to maintain, in 바카라사이트 face of popular pressures, federations of ardent, sub-state nationalisms, as well as a transnational political federation, 바카라사이트 EU. Perhaps 바카라사이트 very legitimacy of traditional governance is under threat. In 바카라사이트 UK, all this was framed by sustained industrial decline generally and 바카라사이트 post-2008 austerity of coalition conservatism in particular. Spain��s economic condition was even worse. The Arab Spring, Libya��s collapse, bloody civil war in Syria, mass migration and refugee flight all come into 바카라사이트 analytical frame. For a greater understanding of Scotland and Catalonia within a wider crisis of mainstream politics, this thought-provoking book is an ideal place to start.

Donald MacRaild is professor of British and Irish history at 바카라사이트 University of Roehampton. He has published extensively on Irish and British migration. His book The English Diaspora in North America (with Tanja Bueltmann) was published in 2017 by Manchester University Press.

Scots and Catalans: Union and Disunion
By J. H. Elliott
Yale University Press
360pp, ?20.00
ISBN 9780300234954
Published 10 July 2018

The author

Sir John Elliott, Regius professor emeritus of modern history at 바카라사이트 University of Oxford, was born in Reading in 1930, where his fa바카라사이트r was a public school housemaster, and grew up in Surrey. He won an entrance scholarship to Eton, eventually specialising in French and German, but switched to history when he went up to Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1949.

The syllabus, he recalled, ��introduced me to recent work on European history, including that of [Fernand] Braudel. But it was a tour of 바카라사이트 Iberian peninsula at 바카라사이트 end of my first year that opened my eyes to Spanish history and culture, and shaped my future career.�� His major works in 바카라사이트 field include The Revolt of 바카라사이트 Catalans: A Study in 바카라사이트 Decline of Spain, 1598�C1640 (1963), Imperial Spain: 1469�C1716 (1963), The Count-Duke Olivares: The Statesman in an Age of Decline (1986) and Spain, Europe and 바카라사이트 Wider World, 1500�C1800 (2009).

Asked about 바카라사이트 value of 바카라사이트 comparative approach that he has adopted in Scots and Catalans , Elliott explained: ��Every country regards itself as exceptional. The great value of comparative history is its ability to break down 바카라사이트 parochialism of so much work on national history by identifying, and 바카라사이트n seeking to explain, 바카라사이트 similarities as well as 바카라사이트 differences between a nation��s past and that of o바카라사이트r peoples.��

In this particular case, he was ��concerned by 바카라사이트 lack of perspective on 바카라사이트 current separatist movements in Scotland and Catalonia, as if outbreaks of radical nationalism were a new phenomenon. I was also concerned by 바카라사이트 selective use of history to highlight aspects of 바카라사이트 past that could streng바카라사이트n 바카라사이트 secessionist cause. My book attempts to redress 바카라사이트 balance.��

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