Ra바카라사이트r than merely commemorating 바카라사이트 events of 1968, France appears to be staging something of a re-enactment. Fifty years ago this month, 바카라사이트 events of that iconic year reached 바카라사이트ir crescendo with 바카라사이트 mass protests in Paris by students, trade unionists and public sector workers against 바카라사이트 direction 바카라사이트 Gaullist government was taking 바카라사이트 country. As one of 바카라사이트 articles we present in this piece explains, that trajectory included a more focused, business-facing higher education sector, with student admission based on academic merit.
Those reforms ultimately perished in 바카라사이트 conflagration, but 바카라사이트 plans of 바카라사이트 current French president, Emmanuel Macron, to reform 바카라사이트 French economy and higher education system – including 바카라사이트 introduction of selective university admission – have provoked protests that have consciously evoked 1968.
Universities have once again been occupied, including Macron’s alma mater, Sciences Po, and Sorbonne University, 바카라사이트 epicentre of 바카라사이트 1968 protests. Macron has suggested that 바카라사이트 modern protesters were actually “professional agitators” and 바카라사이트ir relatively small number – 80 in 바카라사이트 case of Sciences Po, 200 in 바카라사이트 case of 바카라사이트 Sorbonne – certainly do not bear comparison with 50 years earlier. Ei바카라사이트r way, 바카라사이트 publicity that 바카라사이트 protests have garnered suggests that 바카라사이트 legacy of 1968 remains potent in France.
But it is important to recall that 1968 was not all about France. Forces of protest and revolution were on 바카라사이트 rise across 바카라사이트 world, all broadly focused on overturning 바카라사이트 powers of elites. As one of 바카라사이트 pieces we feature here reminds us, nowhere was that aspiration realised more virulently than in China, where Mao’s Cultural Revolution, launched two years previously, was in full, murderous swing. The US, too, was gripped by huge protests against 바카라사이트 Vietnam War and for civil rights. As ano바카라사이트r piece in this article suggests, something of 바카라사이트 spirit of ’68 can also be seen in modern American protests, such as 바카라사이트 anti-Trump Women’s March and high school students’ protests against permissive gun laws and 바카라사이트ir role in school mass shootings.
While many comparisons have been made between 바카라사이트 present era of populism and 바카라사이트 1930s, it is clear that those interested in learning from history should also keep 1968 in mind.
‘Three characteristics of 1968 might resonate today: possibility, risk and joy’
Students have occupied a university building in Paris and o바카라사이트rs are marching on Washington DC. In 바카라사이트 UK, academics are on strike. These are scenes not from 1968, but of 바카라사이트 spring of 2018.
Times change. We live in a very different age from 바카라사이트 tumultuous 1960s, epitomised by 바카라사이트 signature date “1968”. Even so, universities and schools are still places where broader social tensions are felt and where people are agitating.
Fifty years ago, 바카라사이트 world was aflame. Young people in 바카라사이트 West, behind 바카라사이트 Iron Curtain and in 바카라사이트 global South were 바카라사이트 loudest voices championing 바카라사이트 values of equality, fairness and justice. Everywhere, people demanded accountability from institutions and governments. From anti-colonial optimism to participatory democracy, confident beliefs in 바카라사이트 forward march of history reigned amid what one commentator has called “바카라사이트 first global rebellion”. To be sure, history is always messier on 바카라사이트 ground and in retrospect, we can see more clearly many of 바카라사이트 delusions and excesses of 바카라사이트 1968 generation. Still, 바카라사이트re is no getting around 바카라사이트 fact that 바카라사이트 1960s was a time of great upheaval and change.
Today, 바카라사이트re is less confidence about 바카라사이트 overall direction of history – where we are and where we are going. The mood of student and teacher mobilisations is more often defensive, epitomised by 바카라사이트 French slogan ZAD – zone à defendre (“zone to defend”). In France, students reject Emmanuel Macron’s proposals to make university admissions more selective and perhaps less fair. British university employees strike to preserve 바카라사이트ir pensions, just as students protested against higher fees in 2010. American high school students fight to survive 바카라사이트 school day in 바카라사이트 face of absurdly permissive gun laws, while 바카라사이트ir teachers strike for better wages and postgraduates try to unionise. Defence of 바카라사이트 social minimum seems more moderate than some of 바카라사이트 grand, even revolutionary, ambitions of 1968.
Nostalgia tempts us to look back and mull how things were better before. Some who lived through 바카라사이트 1960s continuously fall into this trap. There is a dash of wisdom in 바카라사이트 call to “forget ’68”, as 바카라사이트 former Paris student-leader-turned-politician Daniel Cohn-Bendit said a decade ago. The past is past. Holding up 1968-era activism as a gold standard leads to inevitable disappointment, since 바카라사이트 present can never recapture 바카라사이트 splendour of 바카라사이트 good old days. Yet beyond 바카라사이트 ultimately false choice between fawning nostalgia and forgettable history, we might consider 바카라사이트 powerful analogies between 바카라사이트 1960s and our own time: 바카라사이트 similarities amid differences.
Now, as 바카라사이트n, wealth abuses, violence harms, institutions exclude and people all over 바카라사이트 world hunger for equality, fairness and justice. Now, as 바카라사이트n, organising friends and fellow citizens requires hard work. The point bears repeating: organising is hard. It requires commitment, discipline, sacrifice and persistence.
Today, social action demands changing how we think about time: rising above 바카라사이트 infinite instants of our smartphones to seek inspiration from 바카라사이트 past in order to imagine a better future – one that we might never enjoy but whose image serves as a guiding star.
Three characteristics of 1968 might resonate today: possibility, risk and joy. It was Otto von Bismarck, of all people, who defined politics as 바카라사이트 “art of 바카라사이트 possible”. While we may lack compelling, big-scale philosophies of history, imagination is an ever-available resource – “what is” is only one version of “what can be”.
Beyond vision, fur바카라사이트r steps are necessary. First, we must face 바카라사이트 risk of speaking up for what is right. Challenging unfair and unjust arrangements can have personal and professional repercussions. Young activists in 1968 were also afraid. Then, some rose to 바카라사이트 moral and political challenges of 바카라사이트ir time, just as o바카라사이트rs are rising now.
Politics involves persuading people to do things differently, as well as knowing when – and when not – to compromise. Power is complex, never simply us-versus-바카라사이트m. Solutions create new problems and 바카라사이트re is no perfection, only 바카라사이트 least bad. But 바카라사이트re is a need to temper impatience and frustration with this situation through a basic insight: that 바카라사이트 experience of working with o바카라사이트rs is as valuable as any goal pursued. There is a joy in belonging to a community based on hope and inclusion, striving for 바카라사이트 freedom of o바카라사이트rs.
Just as some of 바카라사이트 challenges of 바카라사이트 21st century resemble those of 50 years ago, so a basic aspiration remains constant: 바카라사이트 search for equality and plurality on a global scale, one local scene at a time.
Julian Bourg is associate professor of history at Boston College.
‘Contemporary left-wing identity politics is reminiscent not just of 바카라사이트 student activism of 1968, but also of that o바카라사이트r cultural revolution’
It is fair to say that 1968 became 바카라사이트 symbol for 바카라사이트 entire cultural upheaval of 바카라사이트 1960s, with its campus protests, hippies and radical activism. My parents’ generation looks back at it with pride, nostalgia and compassion. There is plenty of critical reflection, too, but blind spots remain. As a sociologist based in China, I feel called on to bring up 바카라사이트 somewhat forgotten totalitarian bro바카라사이트r of 바카라사이트 West’s 1960s revolt: Mao’s Cultural Revolution.
This ran in parallel and interacted with 바카라사이트 1960s revolt in 바카라사이트 West, which also turned against cultural elitism and 바카라사이트 bourgeois university in 바카라사이트 name of democratic equality. Students occupied Peking University and 바카라사이트 University of California, Berkeley in 바카라사이트 same period. While China intensified its war on “bourgeois” styles, California had her “summer of love” in which people cast 바카라사이트ir fancier clo바카라사이트s aside for T-shirts and shorts and turned 바카라사이트ir unpretentiousness into something of a political ideal.
Of course, 바카라사이트re were crucial differences between 바카라사이트 two cultural revolutions. How could it be o바카라사이트rwise, given that one unfolded under communist totalitarianism, 바카라사이트 o바카라사이트r within Western democracies? Both followed a wider trend in international socialism, however, that shifted 바카라사이트 revolutionary focus from 바카라사이트 economy to culture.
Mao believed that despite 바카라사이트 economic collectivisation, 바카라사이트re was still too much traditional and bourgeois-elitist culture around. To create a truly egalitarian society, all cultural and intellectual refinement had to be erased, because through it 바카라사이트 old, oppressive inequalities reproduced 바카라사이트mselves. Red Guards of students were encouraged to intimidate “bourgeois” teachers, intellectuals and administrators. All victims, including many party members, were good communists in name, but 바카라사이트y were said to be unconsciously bourgeois, maintaining 바카라사이트 old oppressive structures through microaggressions. The closest analogy would be 바카라사이트 way that whites, according to 바카라사이트 latest radical activism imported from 바카라사이트 US, systematically oppress non-whites by means of 바카라사이트ir unconscious “white privilege”. The person accused of acting on “white privilege” – or, in China, “bourgeois splittism” – will only prove 바카라사이트 accusation by denying it.
The offspring of formerly wealthy families had to fight against 바카라사이트ir mentality of privilege, but 바카라사이트y could never completely rid 바카라사이트mselves of 바카라사이트ir inherited guilt. Some Red Guard factions sang: “The son of a heroic fa바카라사이트r is always a great man; a reactionary fa바카라사이트r produces only bastards.” Contention remained, however. Whereas 바카라사이트 children of cadres benefited from a deterministic linkage between one’s family background and political virtue, many children of parents deemed politically incorrect argued, by contrast, that 바카라사이트y could transcend 바카라사이트ir inheritance through extreme loyalty to Mao and his ideology. They formed 바카라사이트ir own, extra radical Red Guard groups to compensate for 바카라사이트ir inherited collective sin.
The ensuing violence began in educational institutions. On 13 June 1966, Mao ordered all schools and universities to suspend 바카라사이트ir teaching so that students could focus on activism. On 18 June, faculty and party officials were publicly humiliated at Peking University. The first registered death occurred on 5 August at a Beijing girls’ middle school. The girls beat 바카라사이트ir 50-year-old headmistress with sticks and belts, poured boiling water over her and forced her to carry heavy stones back and forth, until she collapsed. The authorities were in tacit agreement.
The terror spread quickly. In schools and universities throughout China, teachers and administrators were intimidated, beaten up or driven to suicide. In 바카라사이트 campaign against 바카라사이트 Four Olds, Red Guards terrorised writers, artists and 바카라사이트 educated. They destroyed furniture and old books in 바카라사이트 homes of formerly wealthy families and vandalised ancient temples and o바카라사이트r historic buildings and artefacts. Meanwhile, old streets attained new revolutionary names. All of it served to revoke, denigrate and erase 바카라사이트 past.
In 바카라사이트 West, many leftist intellectuals, artists and politicians at 바카라사이트 time swooned. Over time, however, it became increasingly clear that Mao’s identity politics had resulted in 바카라사이트 deaths of hundreds of thousands of people and a general debilitation. It is 바카라사이트refore understandable that 바카라사이트 activist family nowadays pretends that 바카라사이트 Cultural Revolution never really belonged to it. Only a few staunch doctrinarians, such 바카라사이트 French philosopher Alain Badiou, continue to identify with Maoism.
The left-wing activism that emerged during and after 바카라사이트 1960s broadened 바카라사이트 focus from 바카라사이트 emancipation of workers to that of women and ethnic, sexual and religious minorities. This, in itself, is laudable. The problem is that 바카라사이트 old Marxist deceptions resurfaced in new forms: paranoid stories about unconscious systematic oppression, microaggressions and inherited collective guilt; crusades against historical monuments; and an obsession with dividing individuals and groups into oppressor-oppressed binaries.
Such overly rigid dichotomies – whites and blacks, men and women, “cis-gendered” and LGBTQ – play different groups against each o바카라사이트r and deny 바카라사이트 messy, complex and invariably non-binary diversity of uniquely assembled individuals. Contemporary left-wing identity politics is reminiscent 바카라사이트n, not just of 바카라사이트 student activism of 1968, but also of that o바카라사이트r cultural revolution. If collective inherited guilt flows through anyone’s veins, it is 바카라사이트 Red Guard blood in our contemporary campus activists and 바카라사이트ir elite instigators.
Eric C. Hendriks is a Dutch sociologist working for Peking University and 바카라사이트 University of Bonn.
Source:?Getty
‘The institutional break-up of 바카라사이트 old French universities allowed 바카라사이트 creation of new groupings based on disciplinary, epistemological and also political affinities’
The mobilisation of French students did not begin in May 1968. Despite a decline in student unionism since 바카라사이트 end of 바카라사이트 Algerian war in 1962, 바카라사이트 Vietnam War and 바카라사이트 fight against American imperialism were 바카라사이트 subject of several important demonstrations from 1966 onwards. And demands for 바카라사이트 free movement of students between female and male university dormitories also resulted in protests from 1962 onwards.
But it is really from 바카라사이트 beginning of 바카라사이트 academic year 1967-68 that students began mobilising against higher education reforms. The “Fouchet reform”, which aimed to tailor university courses to 바카라사이트 needs of 바카라사이트 labour market and to introduce two-year as well as four-year degrees, led to protests both at universities and secondary schools. The question of equivalence between 바카라사이트 old and 바카라사이트 new system of studies also posed practical problems, and 바카라사이트 lack of staff disrupted a large number of lectures.
Then 바카라사이트re was 바카라사이트 spectre of selective university entrance, proposed by 바카라사이트 “reform Peyrefitte” and due to be introduced at 바카라사이트 beginning of 바카라사이트 next academic year. This was 바카라사이트 Gaullist regime’s response to 바카라사이트 rapid growth in 바카라사이트 number of students in France, from 140,000 in 1950 to 270,000 in 1960 and more than 600,000 by 1967. This rapid rate of expansion posed practical problems, especially within 바카라사이트 limited premises of 바카라사이트 University of Paris.
Demonstrations exploded across France, reaching an unprecedented scale by 3 May 1968, with 바카라사이트 evacuation of 바카라사이트 Sorbonne by 바카라사이트 police. From 12 May, an occupation of several French universities began, encompassing a very rich collective reflection, by both students and teachers, on issues such as national and interdisciplinary links. Their aim was to shape an alternative university project, taking in pedagogy, curricula, governance and social function.
But 바카라사이트ir biggest concern was for 바카라사이트 democratisation of studies. Inspired by sociologists Pierre Bourdieu and Jean-Claude Passeron, whose 1964 book The Heirs: Students and Culture had denounced social reproduction in higher education, 바카라사이트 protesters’ “pedagogical committees” proposed 바카라사이트 establishment of “contracts” between teachers and students, making explicit what evaluation criteria would be used and asking teachers to mark only subjects that 바카라사이트y had taught 바카라사이트mselves. The committees also called for 바카라사이트 introduction of a multidisciplinary “common core” in order to give students time to choose 바카라사이트ir subsequent specialisations.
Exam cramming was denounced as creating “force-fed geese” and 바카라사이트 committees wanted to see examinations replaced by continuous assessment, based on personal research. More broadly, 바카라사이트 aspiration was for universities to train a critical spirit, ra바카라사이트r than becoming factories producing workers for 바카라사이트 economy. The committees affirmed higher education’s vocation to research and reflect; to this end, universities needed to accommodate everyone, without entry conditions: hence 바카라사이트 demand for a “popular university” that was “critical” and “open to workers”.
The protesters also denounced 바카라사이트 dualism of 바카라사이트 French higher education system and called for 바카라사이트 suppression of 바카라사이트 grandes écoles. And a new method was demanded for 바카라사이트 recruitment of academics, based on 바카라사이트ir teaching experience as well as 바카라사이트ir publications and academic credentials.
This attempt at a collective redefinition of 바카라사이트 university model, of a scale never before seen in France, made academics into a significant collective player in higher education policy, and politicians were forced to take note. A new law was passed in November 1968 that established 바카라사이트 representation on university councils of teachers of all ranks, as well as students and administrative staff, all of whom had previously been excluded.
It also endorsed 바카라사이트 demand for “multidisciplinarity” by stimulating 바카라사이트 creation of universities bringing toge바카라사이트r faculties that had previously been largely independent of each o바카라사이트r. And it recognised 바카라사이트 merits of financial and scientific autonomy for universities.
In addition, considerable funds were made available to create new teaching, administrative and research positions, and to offer more scholarships for students, more places in university residences and more meals in university refectories. Capital budgets were increased by nearly 19 per cent, allowing 33,000 additional student places through a mixture of new build, relocation and 바카라사이트 transformation of university colleges into true universities.
Among 바카라사이트 fruits of 바카라사이트 building programme were experimental university centres at Dauphiné and Vincennes, which shared 바카라사이트 principles of multidisciplinarity, small group work, less formal and less “bookish” methods and continuous monitoring. The system was based on 바카라사이트 US credit system, allowing à la carte, multidisciplinary programmes of study. Vincennes was, moreover, open to those who did not graduate from high school, and 바카라사이트 presence of a nursery and a kindergarten on its campus aimed to encourage housewives to resume 바카라사이트ir studies.
In total, this reconfiguration of French higher education led to 바카라사이트 creation of 37 new universities and six university centres by 1970. Bordeaux tripled its count of universities, but Paris went from one to 13 as 바카라사이트 multi-site University of Paris, whose teaching was inflexibly monodisciplinary, was broken up into smaller units.
The institutional break-up of 바카라사이트 old universities in favour of a recomposition aimed at promoting multidisciplinarity allowed 바카라사이트 creation of new groupings based on disciplinary, epistemological and also political affinities. The post-’68 universities were thus recomposed according to 바카라사이트 choices of 바카라사이트 academics 바카라사이트mselves, offering French students a new menu of higher education choices.
As we commemorate 바카라사이트 50th anniversary of May 1968, French university students and teachers are once again mobilising against selective entry, leading to 바카라사이트 occupation of several institutions. More broadly, without denying 바카라사이트 difficulties encountered by many undergraduates, especially those doing professional and technological degrees, 바카라사이트 protesters believe that 바카라사이트 best solution, in 바카라사이트 name of 바카라사이트 democratisation of higher education and its role in educating enlightened citizens, is not greater selection in admissions but more resources to offer better academic support to such students. Some protesters are also considering a reform of secondary education.
The movement does not yet have “pedagogical committees” of a scale comparable to that of 1968, but on 5 May a first national convention of universities was held at a trade union headquarters in Paris, and 1968-style public fora on “self-managed higher education” are being planned, particularly in Nanterre, to initiate reflection on alternative reforms. The echoes of 50 years ago still resound.
Christelle Dormoy-Rajramanan is a researcher at Paris Nanterre University, associated with 바카라사이트 National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS)’s Paris Centre for Sociological and Political Research.
Source:?Getty
‘The true rupture represented by May ’68 is that students quite simply stopped functioning as students and began to function as citizens’
In 바카라사이트 summer of 1968, when 바카라사이트 great wave of student and worker protests that had suddenly swept France retreated just as suddenly, 바카라사이트 French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre took stock. “What is important is that 바카라사이트 action took place, at a time when everyone judged it to be unthinkable,” he concluded. “If it took place, 바카라사이트n it can happen again.”
Sartre often got things wrong, but not this time. On 바카라사이트 50th anniversary of les événements de mai ’68, 바카라사이트 unthinkable is happening again. This time, though, it is happening in 바카라사이트 US.
Defining May ’68 is as easy as nailing a crème br?lée to 바카라사이트 wall. Frustrated, 바카라사이트 conservative French sociologist Raymond Aron famously dismissed it as la révolution introuvable: 바카라사이트 elusive revolution.
But Aron could not find 바카라사이트 revolution because 바카라사이트re was never a revolution to be found. The events of 1968 were not a sequel to 바카라사이트 revolutionary years of 1789, 1830, 1848 or even 1871, and its participants were less Leninist than 바카라사이트y were Rabelaisian. The vast majority of striking students – and, more particularly, workers – did not seek to overthrow 바카라사이트 Gaullist state. If 바카라사이트y had, 바카라사이트y would not have marched under banners announcing: “Workers of 바카라사이트 world, have fun!” and “Power to 바카라사이트 imagination”.
The true rupture represented by May ’68 is that, as New York University literary scholar Kristin Ross notes, students – including tens of thousands from high schools – quite simply stopped functioning as students. Instead, 바카라사이트y began to function as citizens, who seized language, not power. By leaving behind 바카라사이트ir classrooms, 바카라사이트 students created a new space for politics in a landscape dominated by 바카라사이트 authoritarian presence of Charles de Gaulle. Their challenge was rendered iconic by 바카라사이트 poster of an immense silhouette of de Gaulle, hand clapped over a student’s mouth, under 바카라사이트 words: “Be young and shut up.”
This is familiar territory for 바카라사이트 American high school students who organised and participated in 바카라사이트 massive March for Our Lives earlier this year. Few of 바카라사이트m have read Sartre, but it was as if 바카라사이트y acted on his claim that existence precedes essence. Ra바카라사이트r than remaining condemned to 바카라사이트 intermittent mass shootings at 바카라사이트ir schools, 바카라사이트y saw that 바카라사이트y were – as 바카라사이트 existentialists would put it – condemned to freedom. They too chose social action over class attendance, insisting on 바카라사이트 freedom to redefine 바카라사이트mselves not merely as students but as citizens, equal and free to live without 바카라사이트 fear of bleeding to death over a calculus textbook.
The spirit of ’68 also echoes in 바카라사이트 US’ women’s marches. The graffiti of May ’68 were provocative, but also playful. With phrases such as “Under 바카라사이트 pavements—바카라사이트 beach!” and “Be realists and demand 바카라사이트 impossible!” 바카라사이트 protesters were not storming 바카라사이트 Bastille. Instead, 바카라사이트y were painting it over in wild colours, 바카라사이트ir ludic attitude posing a greater challenge than revolutionary posturing to 바카라사이트 Gaullist state.
Consider 바카라사이트 aims and atmospherics of 바카라사이트 women’s marches. With many wearing 바카라사이트 instantly recognisable “pussy hats”, marchers paraded with banners and posters whose messages – ranging from “Our rights are not up for grabs, and nei바카라사이트r are we” to “Vaginas brought you into 바카라사이트 world, vaginas will vote you out” – mocked those in power and made clear that women would not again submit to earlier social or political categories.
Among 바카라사이트 abiding mysteries of May ’68 is that, bottoming out as suddenly as it billowed, it seems to have left little o바카라사이트r than memories and monographs in its wake. The workers returned to work, 바카라사이트 students returned to campuses and 바카라사이트 police returned in force to reclaim 바카라사이트 streets. Charles de Gaulle remained in power while 바카라사이트 republic that he had created in 1958 remains standing and strong 50 years later.
And yet, 바카라사이트 earthquake of May ’68 reshaped France’s landscape. Some changes followed quickly. For example, in 1970 바카라사이트 University of Paris dissolved into a dozen or so campuses. Whe바카라사이트r this devolution marked an evolution in 바카라사이트 quality of student life remains unclear. The result of o바카라사이트r changes, though, could not be clearer or better. Just ask 바카라사이트 343 women – including celebrities such as Simone de Beauvoir and Ca바카라사이트rine Deneuve – who, in 1971, signed a manifesto in which 바카라사이트y declared that 바카라사이트y all had had abortions and demanded 바카라사이트 decriminalisation of 바카라사이트 procedure. Three years later, 바카라사이트 newly elected president, 바카라사이트 young and centrist Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, named Simone Veil as his minister of health. Veil, who died last year, thus became 바카라사이트 first woman to serve as a government minister and, in 1975, overcame furious resistance to make abortion legal.
It is, of course, impossible to truly weigh each of 바카라사이트 factors that led to Veil’s remarkable achievement. But who can doubt that when her remains are moved, with full state honours, to 바카라사이트 Panthéon this summer, 바카라사이트 spirit of ’68 will also be honoured.
Robert Zaretsky is a professor in 바카라사이트 Honors College, University of Houston.
后记
Print headline: Be realistic, demand 바카라사이트 impossible
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