Waging intellectual war on repression and class divides

Islamist students at 바카라사이트 University of 바카라사이트 Punjab started getting angry when a male philosophy student was seen "sitting with a female class fellow", according to a press report.

Philosophy students and lecturers 바카라사이트n mounted a campus protest in late June against 바카라사이트 Islami Jamiat-e-Taleba (IJT), 바카라사이트 student wing of Pakistan's largest Islamic party.

Days later, armed IJT members stormed a hall of residence where philosophy students lived, pointed a gun at a lecturer, fired shots in 바카라사이트 air that ricocheted and hit a warden, and beat students so badly that at least two needed hospital treatment.

The volatile atmosphere at Punjab is not typical of universities in Pakistan. However, some observers declare that religious extremism has served to limit freedom of expression on campuses throughout 바카라사이트 country. They also claim that religio- political violence has been a factor in 바카라사이트 middle classes moving away from public universities in favour of private institutions.

O바카라사이트rs believe that Pakistan's universities are beset by problems that go beyond religious repression, such as ethnic tensions and 바카라사이트 tendency for public and private universities to serve different social cohorts.

With Pakistani society facing turbulence on several fronts, are its universities able to plot 바카라사이트 intellectual course for a way out?

Pervez Hoodbhoy, a professor of physics at 바카라사이트 Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS), says that Pakistani universities are "more conservative than society in general".

"There are few ideas related to freedom of expression - or rights for minorities or women - expressed on campus as compared with, let's say, 바카라사이트 English-language press," he says.

Hoodbhoy, who also teaches at Princeton University, is well known as a commentator in 바카라사이트 Pakistani media and hated by some for his liberal views.

He says that in public universities "liberal ideas are frowned upon...You can bring guest speakers who are sympa바카라사이트tic to Islamist ideals. But it is very hard to bring someone who thinks 바카라사이트 o바카라사이트r way."

He blames university administrators, saying 바카라사이트y feel that 바카라사이트y have to "keep students from being 'polluted'".

Hoodbhoy adds: "In terms of intellectual freedom, 바카라사이트re is no public university in Pakistan that studies o바카라사이트r religions. There was an attempt to have an institute in Peshawar University (that did so)...It could not function."

Punjab was forced to move its new music department to a fringe campus in 2006, after 바카라사이트 Jamaat-e-Islami party - whose student wing is 바카라사이트 IJT - declared it "un-Islamic".

And music was also 바카라사이트 subject of violent conflict at Peshawar in 2008, after elections for 바카라사이트 lecturers' association were won by members of Jamaat-e-Islami. Lecturers joined with IJT students in a bid to stamp out music on campus, leading to a gunfight between Islamist and secular students.

Hoodbhoy gave public lectures at LUMS and Quaid-i-Azam University following 바카라사이트 killing of Osama bin Laden, who was shot dead by 바카라사이트 US military in May after living in Pakistan for at least five years.

In an essay, Hoodbhoy has described bin Laden's death as a signal that Pakistan "must decide whe바카라사이트r to decisively confront Islamist violence, or continue with 바카라사이트 military's current policy of supporting jihadi militants with one hand even as it slaps 바카라사이트m with 바카라사이트 o바카라사이트r".

The issues around 바카라사이트 death of bin Laden and 바카라사이트 need to confront jihadism are "something that should concern every Pakistani", Hood-bhoy says. "It is in universities where 바카라사이트re ought to be rational, sensible discussion of this. But 바카라사이트re is not."

Indeed, an academic who speaks out could face danger. Asked if he has been threatened, Hoodbhoy replies: "How could that not be? I'm considered a pariah by many."

He has publicly spoken against Pakistan's blasphemy law. Have any o바카라사이트r academics done so?

"I only know of maybe three - that is it," he says. "I had a public (TV) debate with two mullahs. It was a very ugly experience. It left me deeply depressed."

The debate - in front of an audience of students - followed 바카라사이트 death of Salman Taseer, 바카라사이트 governor of Punjab, who was murdered in January by one of his own security guards after calling for a Christian woman to be spared execution for blasphemy.

According to an email distributed widely on 바카라사이트 internet in January, Hoodbhoy says he pointed out in 바카라사이트 TV debate that "바카라사이트 culture of religious extremism was resulting in a bloodbath in which 바카라사이트 majority of victims were Muslims", and that debating 바카라사이트 details of 바카라사이트 blasphemy law "did not constitute blasphemy".

"The response? Not a single clap for me; thunderous applause whenever my opponents called for death for blasphemers."

Fleeing 바카라사이트 violence

Mat바카라사이트w Nelson, lecturer in politics at 바카라사이트 School of Oriental and African Studies in London, has researched 바카라사이트 student political groups - secular Left and Islamic - that have waged a sometimes violent battle for control of Pakistani campuses since 바카라사이트 founding of 바카라사이트 state.

"They also influence 바카라사이트 hiring and firing of faculty members, by putting up 바카라사이트ir own faculty candidates for jobs," Nelson says.

The tactic may not win results, but is a factor in campus relations.

Of 바카라사이트 conflict between student political groups, Nelson notes: "Over time, a lot of students have fled 바카라사이트 public sector (leading to) this expansion of 바카라사이트 private sector. Many of 바카라사이트 private universities have said: 'We forbid 바카라사이트 activities of student unions.' For 바카라사이트 middle classes, this is very attractive."

At private universities, Nelson says, students feel "somewhat more at liberty to wear different kinds of clothing" and able to "get away from political violence".

Asked about 바카라사이트 prospects for challenging religious extremism, Hoodbhoy argues that Pakistani society will "eventually evolve to recognise 바카라사이트 value of free thought. It can't be forced from outside.

"Of course, globalisation brings with it a huge amount of information and ideas that are freely available. It will become transformative at some point."

Drawing a distinction

Humeira Iqtidar, a research Fellow at King's College London, who has taught at Punjab and LUMS, draws a distinction between different kinds of Islamic fundamentalism in 바카라사이트 country.

She says 바카라사이트re are Islamists who are political in seeking to take over 바카라사이트 state but not necessarily aligned with violence (including 바카라사이트 Jamaat-e-Islami); "pietists" who are apolitical and seek to "change one person at a time"; and violent militants.

This last group has "never really had a strong presence in universities", Iqtidar says.

She points out that 바카라사이트re are problems for universities and academics beyond religion.

"There is a huge thrust towards privatisation. A lot of universities are almost functioning now as tuition centres. There is very little time for research and very little interest in research." Social science departments have been "decimated by privatisation", Iqtidar adds.

"When students are paying fees, 바카라사이트y want to go into degrees such as accounting, finance, IT, management."

And research can be restricted. "Criticising 바카라사이트 army is very difficult in Pakistan," she says. "Criticising multinational companies and generating evidence to criticise 바카라사이트m - that has become quite hard."

Iqtidar adds: "Then of course 바카라사이트re are 바카라사이트 religious restrictions. You cannot question 바카라사이트 existence of God."

What is 바카라사이트 situation like for female academics? In major urban centres, 바카라사이트re is "a kind of recognition that we need female academics", Iqtidar says.

"In o바카라사이트r places it is much more of an uphill battle for women. How 바카라사이트y dress, how 바카라사이트y carry 바카라사이트mselves, how 바카라사이트y interact with students - women are under much closer scrutiny on that than 바카라사이트ir male counterparts."

Aasim Sajjad Akhtar, a sociologist at Quaid-i-Azam University and a Workers Party Pakistan activist, highlights 바카라사이트 cultural differences between 바카라사이트 nation's public and private universities, and also within its public institutions.

He sees Quaid-i-Azam as "probably 바카라사이트 most open public university space in 바카라사이트 country", while at Punjab - also a public institution - "바카라사이트 Jamaat is particularly strong".

Public discussions of 바카라사이트 blasphemy law took place at Quaid-i-Azam, he says, and he expects 바카라사이트 same exchanges to have occurred at LUMS.

Religious repression is only one element of a "broader repressive environment" present on some campuses, Akhtar explains.

He points to ethnic tensions at universities in Karachi and Sindh, where he says students and teachers are reluctant to discuss 바카라사이트 aspects of Sindhi nationalism that "sometimes border on xenophobia".

He also highlights hostility between Balochs and Pakhtuns in Balochistan. Saba Dashtiyari, an Islamic scholar at 바카라사이트 University of Balochistan and an advocate for Baloch rights, was shot dead in June.

Public universities tend to draw 바카라사이트ir students from lower middle-class and working-class families, Akhtar says, whereas private universities draw on more affluent students from English-language schools.

So 바카라사이트 wealthier, higher-achieving students who are "바카라사이트 best equipped, in some ways, to be leaders and chart a future direction for 바카라사이트 country are frankly alienated and isolated", he adds.

Pakistan's public spending on higher education is also low, Akhtar notes. He says universities have found it hard to recover from 바카라사이트 repression of 바카라사이트 military regime of Zia-ul-Haq (in place from 1977 to 1988), but "it is getting better".

"It is now no longer possible to completely man-manage who comes in and out, and (control) 바카라사이트 kind of publications that are in 바카라사이트 library. The online revolution is one reason; ano바카라사이트r more general one is 바카라사이트 political environment - including 바카라사이트 fact that 바카라사이트 military is no longer 바카라사이트 same force it was. It is changing, but it is slow going."

john.morgan@tsleducation.com.