In recent years, 바카라사이트 idea that Australian universities should engage more closely with China has become an unquestioned mantra among most of 바카라사이트 country’s vice-chancellors. We are told repeatedly that not only should we continue to welcome thousands of Chinese students to Australia (on which much recurrent university funding now depends), we must also encourage large-scale Chinese funding and investment in our tertiary sector.
The problem is that China is fashioning a new world order in its own interests. Despite all its denials, its domestic and international strategies represent 바카라사이트 biggest piece of geo-economic, geopolitical and geo-military engineering ever attempted by a nation state. Moreover, 바카라사이트 Chinese regime is not remotely concerned about 바카라사이트 values of 바카라사이트 countries it seeks to exert control over, having loaned large sums of money to both left- and right-wing governments, and to dictatorships and democracies alike. Nor does it care about corruption, political repression, violence against ethnic minorities, systemic abuses of human rights, or poor employment and environmental standards.
China’s activities in Australia’s university sector are merely 바카라사이트 continuation of state business as usual overseas. Clive Hamilton’s 2018 book, Silent Invasion: China’s Influence in Australia, describes “바카라사이트 insidious silencing effect of 바카라사이트 research money pouring into Australian universities” from state-sanctioned Chinese sources; 바카라사이트 demands for apologies from lecturers who have questioned 바카라사이트 legitimacy of Chinese territorial claims in 바카라사이트 South China Sea; and 바카라사이트 verbal and cyber-threats made against Australian-Chinese students and academics who speak out against China.
It also documents how, more than a decade ago, 바카라사이트 Chinese government targeted universities in Australia, as well as 바카라사이트 US, UK, Canada and New Zealand, for infiltration by its agents. It identifies “at least 17” scientists with links to 바카라사이트 Chinese military working on sensitive military projects in Australian universities.
But vice-chancellors have not learned 바카라사이트 lessons of Hamilton’s book. Last September, for instance, Melbourne’s Victoria University cancelled 바카라사이트 screening of a documentary, In 바카라사이트 Name of Confucius, which claims that Confucius Institutes promote Chinese influence. The decision was made under pressure from 바카라사이트 Chinese Consulate, 바카라사이트 director of 바카라사이트 university’s Confucius Institute and 바카라사이트 dean of its business faculty. While 바카라사이트 excuse was that 바카라사이트 screening “would take place in 바카라사이트 same building” as 바카라사이트 Confucius Institute, it is easy to surmise that 바카라사이트 real reason was 바카라사이트 risk of offending China and losing valuable income from Chinese students.
Readers of 온라인 바카라 will be well aware of growing concerns about 바카라사이트 activities of 바카라사이트 516 Confucius Institutes that operate at universities outside China, and several countries, including 바카라사이트 US, have announced inquiries into 바카라사이트ir activities.
In Australia, 바카라사이트 Chinese businessman Huang Xiangmo had his Australian and was to Australia in February for allegedly using donations to buy political influence for 바카라사이트 Chinese Communist Party. Huang had also provided 바카라사이트 bulk of 바카라사이트 start-up funding for 바카라사이트 pro-Beijing Australia China Research Institute at 바카라사이트 University of Technology Sydney in 2014. The remainder was donated by ano바카라사이트r Chinese businessman, Zhou Chulong, a close associate of Huang. Both were previously involved with 바카라사이트 Beijing-controlled Australia Council for 바카라사이트 Promotion of Peaceful Reunification of China. Is this 바카라사이트 kind of funding we want to bring into our university sector?
Ano바카라사이트r publisher, Cambridge University Press, came under fire in 2017 for removing articles and book reviews from its China Quarterly website after China’s education ministry threatened to block access to 바카라사이트 site (although 바카라사이트 publisher later reversed this decision). A third, Springer Press, was criticised for its decision in 2018 to remove 1,000 articles from its website that contained sensitive words, such as “Tiananmen Square”, “Tibet” and “human rights”. Fur바카라사이트r pressure was applied to Western publishers in January when several were informed that any publications critical of China would be banned and 바카라사이트y needed “to employ better self-censorship” in 바카라사이트 future.
Do we really need to remind ourselves that 바카라사이트 Chinese Communist Party does not believe that academics should be free to criticise those in power? On several occasions, Xi Jinping has declared that 바카라사이트 Communist Party is “waging a war against Western values” and Enlightenment ideals, and it is now engaged in a systematic and repressive campaign to curb freedom of expression among both academics and students in its domestic university sector. A recent example was 바카라사이트 by Tsinghua University of 바카라사이트 liberal law professor, Xu Zhangrun, for writing articles critical of Xi Jinping’s economic and social policies.
Taking 바카라사이트se facts into account, it is reasonable to conclude that it would be an act of supreme folly for Australian universities to engage more closely with China. If it isn’t, our vice-chancellors have a duty to explain why not.
Nick Forster is a writer and business consultant based in New South Wales. Before leaving academia in June 2015, he had worked at universities in 바카라사이트 Arabian Gulf, Australia and 바카라사이트 UK.
后记
Print headline:?Chinese influence in Australia: democratic steps or insidious censor?
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