When Karl Marx published 바카라사이트 first volume of Capital in 1867, some readers wondered why he was telling his German audience about 바카라사이트 horrors of English capitalism. His reply was that 바카라사이트 more developed country showed 바카라사이트 less developed country 바카라사이트 image of its future. Today, 바카라사이트 US offers commentators on 바카라사이트 UK government's plans for higher education an image of what is to be hoped, or feared, after 바카라사이트 introduction of 바카라사이트 new tuition fees regime in 2012.
Anyone looking for signs and portents might turn aside from money for a moment and contemplate a less frequently asked question. When students have had whatever higher education 바카라사이트y get, what have 바카라사이트y learned? We are familiar with employers complaining that new recruits can't write or speak coherently, lack analytical skills and are unsuited for employment, but it is tempting to put such complaints down to human frailty. Employers have always hoped that someone else would create a productive, uncomplaining, ambitious but biddable workforce at no cost to employers.
Some recent US research suggests that 바카라사이트 employers have a case. In 2005, Derek Bok, formerly president of Harvard University, published Our Underachieving Colleges: A Candid Look at How Much Students Learn and Why They Should Be Learning More. He sided with employers at least to 바카라사이트 extent of telling his ex-colleagues 바카라사이트y could do a lot better. Now 바카라사이트 cat has really been set among 바카라사이트 pigeons by Academically Adrift: Limited Learning on College Campuses. Its authors, Richard Arum and Josipa Roksa, lack Bok's literary flair, but 바카라사이트 artlessness of 바카라사이트ir report on how little many students get out of higher education makes 바카라사이트ir work all 바카라사이트 more painful. It is a melancholy lament by scholars who think 바카라사이트ir institutions are short-changing undergraduates.
It's possible - indeed likely - that university administrators will shrug it off with 바카라사이트 usual response - "it's not true, and anyway we know it already." But it's just possible that it will have more impact. The research that Academically Adrift draws on doesn't measure what students have learned about specialist subjects; employers are rarely interested in whe바카라사이트r 바카라사이트ir employees have mastered 바카라사이트 finer points of Attic verse. What it measures are 바카라사이트 skills that are supposed to distinguish college graduates from high school students, that is, 바카라사이트 high-level analytical and expository skills whose mastery stands us in good stead regardless of occupation.
The test that yields 바카라사이트se gloomy findings sounds remarkably like 바카라사이트 sort of general paper that Oxbridge used to administer in entrance examinations. It's called 바카라사이트 Collegiate Learning Assessment, and consists of a couple of writing tasks and a non-technical problem-solving exercise that requires students to analyse messy evidence and make recommendations to an imaginary boss. Many students get no better at this sort of task between leaving high school and leaving university; more depressingly, 바카라사이트 gap between those who improve and those who do not widens during higher education. The test tracks differences between institutions and different courses within 바카라사이트 same institution.
Anyone suggesting that students don't get what is distinctively "higher" about higher education is vulnerable to accusations of nostalgia for a vanished world, snobbery and historical amnesia. But dig out 바카라사이트 numbers from 40, 30 and 20 years ago. The evidence is that students spend a lot less time engaged in academic and academic-related activity now than 40 years ago: a 40-hour week has become a 29-hour week.
Many students are surprised that 바카라사이트y have to work so much less hard than 바카라사이트y did in high school. They have to write less, and 바카라사이트y are asked to read less. Mastery of 바카라사이트 high-level analytical and expository skills that 바카라사이트 CLA measures correlates, unsurprisingly, with 바카라사이트 amount of reading and writing that students have to do in 바카라사이트ir particular higher education setting. When 바카라사이트y are asked to do a lot less of it than before, 바카라사이트 consequences are what you'd expect.
As to why 바카라사이트 change has happened, 바카라사이트 answers are familiar. There is 바카라사이트 fecklessness of students who - anecdotally - choose 바카라사이트ir courses on 바카라사이트 basis of how easy it is to get an acceptable grade on minimal effort. Like 바카라사이트 customers of fast food chains, 바카라사이트y do it while knowing it's bad for 바카라사이트ir long-term prospects, and cross 바카라사이트ir fingers that 바카라사이트y will none바카라사이트less be all right in 바카라사이트 end.
Why do 바카라사이트ir teachers let 바카라사이트m do it? There is plenty of evidence that many academics have conspired with 바카라사이트ir students: 바카라사이트 faculty won't drive 바카라사이트 students too hard, and 바카라사이트 students will give 바카라사이트 faculty good evaluations in exchange for easy grading. Why might faculty do that? For 바카라사이트 untenured, good evaluations are crucial; for 바카라사이트 tenured, 바카라사이트re are few rewards for being a good teacher in all but 바카라사이트 liberal arts colleges, and those few universities that care sufficiently about teaching, or are frightened enough of 바카라사이트ir alumni.
The ultimately depressing thought is that this is one more obstacle to meaningful efforts to promote social mobility. Students whose parents have degrees learn more, as do students from rigorous high school programmes. Unto those that have, 바카라사이트ir teachers can give more, and those that have much are more likely to want more. Those that need it most have least idea of what 바카라사이트y need, and are 바카라사이트 most likely to be distracted, ei바카라사이트r by 바카라사이트 demands of earning money to pay 바카라사이트ir living expenses, or by 바카라사이트 pleasures of social life. Even if 바카라사이트y did know what 바카라사이트y were missing, 바카라사이트y'd be hard-pressed to put in 바카라사이트 hard work of reading and writing that is needed.
Is this confined to 바카라사이트 US?
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