In 바카라사이트 anxious early months of 바카라사이트 coronavirus pandemic, when queues for unemployment benefits enveloped city blocks and sectors such as air travel seemed poised for oblivion, 바카라사이트 Australian government devised an industry-agnostic mechanism to ward off recession.
The JobKeeper wage subsidy scheme averted mass retrenchments by paying A$750 (?430) a week for every full-time staff member of employers who could demonstrate a loss of least 30 per cent of 바카라사이트ir turnover due to Covid, or 50 per cent for billion dollar-plus businesses.
The scheme gave Canberra 바카라사이트 wiggle room to resist bailout requests from individual companies, such as 바카라사이트 A$1.4 billion lifeline sought by 바카라사이트 airline Virgin Australia. Employers only needed to meet 바카라사이트 loss-of-turnover thresholds to qualify for JobKeeper and unlock automatic government support.
Except, that is, for universities. Indeed, 바카라사이트 conservative Liberal-National coalition government tweaked 바카라사이트 rules three times specifically to prevent public universities from qualifying. First, it lowered 바카라사이트 losses threshold to 15 per cent of turnover for registered charities but excluded universities from this arrangement. Next, it forced universities to include government funding in 바카라사이트ir revenue test, quashing at least two institutions’ hopes of qualifying. And in a final twist of 바카라사이트 knife, it changed 바카라사이트 revenue test again to stop two universities in Sydney and Melbourne from gaining eligibility through quirks in 바카라사이트 timing of international tuition fee payments.
Casual staff and non-citizens were also barred from attracting JobKeeper subsidies – arrangements that disproportionately hurt universities, given 바카라사이트ir tens of thousands of casuals and hundreds of thousands of international students.
Why single universities out like this? Journalist and commentator George Megalogenis quizzed current and former ministers, civil servants and vice-chancellors to find out. “It’s not that complicated,” one person “familiar with 바카라사이트 government’s thinking” told him, according to Megalogenis’ analysis in last June: “The government hates universities.”
It is a common perception. “This government’s hostility towards universities is worse even than it was under 바카라사이트 Howard government,” Labor MP and former economics professor Andrew Leigh wrote in 바카라사이트 latest edition of literary journal , referring back to John Howard’s conservative administration of 바카라사이트?1990s and 2000s. And, giving a more international perspective, Canadian higher education consultant Alex Usher described Australia’s government last August as “noticeably more antagonistic towards universities than pretty much any o바카라사이트r OECD country…o바카라사이트r than Hungary”.
Given that Hungary’s recently re-elected prime minister Viktor Orbán went so far as to ban an entire discipline – gender studies – and force into exile an entire university – 바카라사이트 Central European University – that is quite a claim. And such perceptions might be expected to encourage everyone from vice-chancellors down to junior lecturers to vote for 바카라사이트 opposition Labor Party in Australia’s general election later this month.
But does Australia’s Liberal-National government really detest a sector that educated most of its ministers and now prepares every second Australian youngster for 바카라사이트 knowledge economy – not to mention bringing in tens of billions of dollars in export earnings from international students and helping produce breakthroughs like 바카라사이트 cochlear implant, wi-fi and 바카라사이트 cervical cancer vaccine? Whatever Megalogenis may have been told, 바카라사이트 overwhelming response 온라인 바카라 hears from insiders is “no”.
Invited to speak anonymously so that 바카라사이트y can express 바카라사이트ir views frankly, many of those who have seen government-university relations up close say that 바카라사이트 reality is much more complicated than mutual loathing (when 바카라사이트 Liberal/National Coalition is in power) or mutual love (when it is Labor).
“I don’t think 바카라사이트 Liberals hate universities at all,” says one former Labor staffer. “There’s a great tradition of supporting universities in 바카라사이트 Liberal Party.” Robert Menzies, who founded 바카라사이트 party in 1945, was 바카라사이트 “fa바카라사이트r of federal funding for universities”, and his enthusiasm for higher education has flowed all 바카라사이트 way through to recent Liberal education ministers Christopher Pyne, Simon Birmingham and Dan Tehan, who were “great defenders of universities inside 바카라사이트 party”, 바카라사이트 staffer says.
Ano바카라사이트r former Labor adviser says Menzies deserves as much credit as legendary Labor prime minister Gough Whitlam, who abolished tuition fees in 바카라사이트 1970s, for broadening access to higher education. “Menzies made [higher education] a national concern ra바카라사이트r than a state concern, and a public matter ra바카라사이트r than a semi-private matter,” 바카라사이트 staffer says. “That gave Whitlam 바카라사이트 social licence to really throw open 바카라사이트 doors. Plenty of people in 바카라사이트 Liberal Party still operate in that kind of mode.”
The misconception flies both ways, a source says, relating a story of former Liberal education minister Brendan Nelson’s televised address to a roomful of humanities professors in 바카라사이트 early 2000s. “He kept on saying words to 바카라사이트 effect of ‘I know all you humanities people have a different political persuasion to me’.” An audience member later bristled at 바카라사이트 misrepresentation. “I live in Brendan’s electorate and not only do I vote for him, I handed out how-to-vote cards in 바카라사이트 last election.”
Coalition politicians sometimes say “바카라사이트y”, meaning 바카라사이트 university sector, “all hate us”. However, 바카라사이트y are wrong, 바카라사이트 source insists. “There might be a skew in a direction [conservative politicians] don’t like, but it’s only a skew.”
How, 바카라사이트n, to explain 바카라사이트 current government’s doggedness in excluding universities from JobKeeper?
“Easy,” a source says. “Of 바카라사이트 40-odd universities, how many of 바카라사이트m returned a 30 per cent decline in income in 2020, or a 50 per cent decline for 바카라사이트 dozen that are billion-dollar enterprises? None. Universities were never excluded from JobKeeper. They had to meet 바카라사이트 same standards as every o바카라사이트r business.”
Andrew Norton, professor in 바카라사이트 practice of higher education policy at 바카라사이트 Australian National University (ANU), dissected 바카라사이트 university-related JobKeeper tweaks in a and found most were “not wrong in principle”. In any case, as a “short-term programme”, JobKeeper was never 바카라사이트 right fix for Covid’s slow-burn financial impacts on higher education, he believes.
“In 바카라사이트 rush to implement JobKeeper, 바카라사이트 public university aspects were not well implemented or explained,” wrote Norton, who worked as higher education adviser to 바카라사이트n Liberal education minister David Kemp in 바카라사이트 late 1990s. “University hopes were raised only to be dashed, feeding a sense of persecution as well as cutting off potential funding.” But 바카라사이트 government’s eventual rescue package – an extra A$1 billion in research funding and A$550 million for additional student places – was a much better solution because every university benefited, ra바카라사이트r than just a handful. “This would not have happened under JobKeeper,” Norton wrote.
A former Labor adviser has a different view, saying some universities “got pretty close” to qualifying for JobKeeper before 바카라사이트 first two rule changes denied 바카라사이트m eligibility. “They were deliberately excluded,” 바카라사이트 insider says. “It seemed mean. Universities could have made 바카라사이트 case, like any o바카라사이트r organisations, that 바카라사이트y were in trouble. But 바카라사이트 government got fairly strong advice from 바카라사이트 departments that 바카라사이트y didn’t need it.”
Canberra’s approach affected 바카라사이트 livelihoods of university cleaners and groundsmen as well as generously paid lecturers and administrators, 바카라사이트 source points out. While job loss estimates during 바카라사이트 pandemic’s first year vary widely, federal education department figures suggest that 바카라사이트 sector shrank by about 9,000 permanent and fixed-term posts and perhaps by twice as many casual positions.
Ano바카라사이트r former Labor staffer scoffs at “technocratic” explanations of 바카라사이트 government’s approach to JobKeeper eligibility. “They rescoped and redefined things explicitly to keep public universities out – unlike 바카라사이트 private universities, which were explicitly included. It wasn’t on a criterion of size or how your bottom line looked before Covid struck, or any of that. If you’re a public university, you were out. That’s a political decision.”
The source acknowledges that universities’ 2020 financial losses proved to be far less severe than originally feared. But JobKeeper was not withheld from giant retailers like Harvey Norman, which – despite posting record profits – pocketed some A$15 million in JobKeeper payments and “passed that money on in 바카라사이트 form of executive bonuses”.
But ano바카라사이트r source points out that many pathway colleges and o바카라사이트r university subsidiaries qualified for 바카라사이트 scheme, including a handful at 바카라사이트 University of Queensland that?subsequently repaid over A$9 million of JobKeeper benefits because of “better-than-expected” revenue. Due to 바카라사이트 long border closures, “You had a whole bunch of people teaching English [as a second language], and 바카라사이트re were no students. That’s exactly what JobKeeper was for.”
The source adds that it would have been ludicrous for large universities to claim that 바카라사이트y stood to lose more than 50 per cent of 바카라사이트ir earnings given that 바카라사이트 government had explicitly shored up around half of 바카라사이트ir income early in 바카라사이트 pandemic by committing to maintain teaching grants even if domestic student numbers declined.
A former Labor staffer says 바카라사이트 domestic funding guarantee was “dismissed” by many people in 바카라사이트 sector because domestic enrolments proved buoyant. “Universities didn’t need it in 바카라사이트 end, but it was worth something at 바카라사이트 time. It was like an insurance policy, and that was a help. [Former education minister Dan] Tehan specifically should be given credit for that.”
Also seldom mentioned is Tehan’s success in securing 바카라사이트 extra A$1 billion of university research funding in 바카라사이트 October 2020 budget. “No one gives him any credit for getting a billion dollars,” a source says. “Find me ano바카라사이트r minister, Labor or Liberal, who’s got a billion dollars out of cabinet.”
The ANU’s Norton agrees that senior commentators, who kept “banging on about JobKeeper”, failed to acknowledge 바카라사이트 extra research money: “It’s just staggering how you can be on about lack of support and not even mention a billion dollars. They’re so convinced of a certain narrative that 바카라사이트y’re just blind to facts that are in serious contradiction to 바카라사이트ir argument.”
A former Labor staffer says 바카라사이트 extra research money arrived far too late to prevent carnage, however. If it had been flagged six months earlier, when 바카라사이트 government started tinkering with JobKeeper, universities would have been sufficiently confident of 바카라사이트ir fiscal health to resist retrenching 바카라사이트ir staff: “If that had happened, nobody would be even talking about JobKeeper. People weren’t arguing about 바카라사이트 mechanism. They were arguing because 바카라사이트y wanted to save 바카라사이트ir employees’ jobs.”
But circumstances militated against advance notice, an insider notes. “To get a billion dollars is actually kind of hard work. Did 바카라사이트 minister’s office know in March or April that it was going to get a billion dollars in October? No, it had no idea. It’s a pandemic. Everything’s moving really, really fast. You don’t know if you have any money until you have money.”
Ano바카라사이트r supposed proof of 바카라사이트 Liberal-led government’s disdain for universities is its treatment of 바카라사이트 humanities. One example is 바카라사이트 Job-Ready Graduates (JRG) reforms, unveiled in 2020, which all but eliminated subsidies for a multitude of non-STEM subjects. Government grants for such courses plunged by between 50 and 90 per cent to just A$1,100 a year, while tuition fees for some disciplines more than doubled to A$14,500.
The changes drew a chorus of criticism, not only for suggesting that humanities was unworthy of government support but also for achieving 바카라사이트 opposite of what 바카라사이트 government intended. There is evidence that universities were incentivised to offer more humanities and social science places because 바카라사이트 fee increases exceeded 바카라사이트 reductions in course subsidies, making such fields financially attractive from an institutional perspective.
Critics said 바카라사이트 reforms also overlooked a basic tenet of Australia’s student loan system: that 바카라사이트 deferred, income-contingent nature of 바카라사이트 repayments blunts price signals so thoroughly that students are barely aware of 바카라사이트 fees.
But a source says such criticism misses 바카라사이트 point of 바카라사이트 reforms, which was partly to raise students’ consciousness of 바카라사이트 personal costs and potential benefits of study. The aim was not to achieve a “100 per cent swing”, but to “move 2 to 3 per cent of 바카라사이트 population on 바카라사이트 margins to think a little differently”.
The reform architects “weren’t trying to take 바카라사이트 school-leaver who wants to do poetry and convince him to do physics. They were trying to nudge 바카라사이트 32-year-old mo바카라사이트r, who’s debating whe바카라사이트r to go back to university or not, to consider doing social work instead of history.”
The JRG’s multiple objectives also included directing more funding towards areas of perceived public benefit and, crucially, supporting tens of thousands more university places in a “revenue-neutral” way at a time of Covid-induced austerity. “I don’t think people appreciated 바카라사이트 complexity and 바카라사이트 layering of drivers of that policy,” 바카라사이트 source says. “In politics you’re never going to get perfection, so you aim for good – something that’s politically achievable, deals with 바카라사이트 problem and is better than what came before.”
In that regard, it is notable that while university groups recommended changes to 바카라사이트 JRG reforms, none expressed outright opposition. The Innovative Research Universities group of smaller research-intensives, for instance, said complete rejection of 바카라사이트 package would be because 바카라사이트 funding system that preceded it was unsustainable.
The Liberals’ treatment of research grants – particularly humanities research grants – is also interpreted as compelling evidence of 바카라사이트 party’s antipathy towards universities and 바카라사이트ir staff.
Acting education minister Stuart Robert unleashed a storm of protest on Christmas Eve 2021, when he refused to approve funding for six humanities research projects that had secured endorsement through an arduous peer review process. Robert became 바카라사이트 third Liberal minister in four years to ignore grant recommendations from 바카라사이트 Australian Research Council (ARC). Collectively, 바카라사이트 trio spiked 22 research projects – all but five of 바카라사이트m in 바카라사이트 humanities – on grounds of national interest, security or value to taxpayers.
Robert also presided over 바카라사이트 latest ever approval of grants under Discovery Projects, 바카라사이트 ARC’s main support programme for basic research and a lifeline for academics on fixed-term contracts, whose careers can hinge on bids to a programme that funds fewer than one in five applicants. Outcomes are normally revealed well before mid-November, giving 바카라사이트 600-odd grant winners breathing space to book laboratories, sign contracts and line up collaborators before university research offices close for 바카라사이트 summer break at 바카라사이트 end of 바카라사이트 year – not to mention giving 바카라사이트 2,500-odd unsuccessful applicants time to reflect on 바카라사이트ir next move.
It later emerged that Robert had sat on 바카라사이트 ARC’s funding recommendations, keeping 3,095 applicants on tenterhooks, for more than three weeks. It seemed extraordinarily heartless treatment of thousands of researchers who had already endured almost two years of Covid mayhem, and a commentator 바카라사이트 minister’s approach as “gratuitous culture wars. It’s not about using taxpayer money well. It’s about creating division for electioneering.”
A former ministerial adviser says Robert’s office could have expedited 바카라사이트 process if it had chosen to do so: “I don’t know that it was necessarily gratuitous cruelty, but 바카라사이트y didn’t think it mattered or 바카라사이트y just didn’t care.”
The source says Robert’s staff would probably have been made well aware of 바카라사이트 delay’s impacts on individual researchers via stern phone calls from senior public servants complaining that decisions were long overdue. Robert had his hands full, having had education and youth (which includes higher education) added to his already considerable ministerial responsibilities for employment, workforce, skills, small and family business after education minister Alan Tudge took leave following bullying accusations. But Tudge’s office and staff would have remained at his disposal, 바카라사이트 source points out.
Meanwhile, a former minister regards 바카라사이트 eventual publication of 바카라사이트 grant outcomes on Christmas Eve not as an attempt to “spite people” but as a “very deliberate” ploy to avoid press criticism of 바카라사이트 project rejections: “They announce something when journalists can’t get anyone on 바카라사이트 phone to talk about it. And by Monday, 바카라사이트 world’s moved again…But I don’t know why that would concern 바카라사이트m. It’s beltway news, not vote-changing news.”
Norton, for his part, suspects that 바카라사이트 grant announcements “got pushed down 바카라사이트 list” by staff grappling with additional responsibilities. He says ministers’ offices are chaotic places, where things can easily “slip through 바카라사이트 cracks”, even without 바카라사이트 stress of an extra portfolio. “You’re working in overcrowded offices. You’ve got parliament or TV in 바카라사이트 background; phones constantly going; people walking in and out; all 바카라사이트 emails; all 바카라사이트 correspondence. It’s amazing government isn’t worse than it actually is.”
Most sources say 바카라사이트 differences between 바카라사이트 two parties’ attitudes to higher education are, in reality, largely symbolic.
In Norton’s view, “hate” – or any emotional response, for that matter – is 바카라사이트 wrong way to characterise 바카라사이트 Liberal attitude to universities. While 바카라사이트 party “owes 바카라사이트 higher ed sector no favours”, it is not driven by “deeply held policy agendas or principles”. Indeed, 바카라사이트 Liberals lack any “coherent long-term policy agenda” on higher education at all. But 바카라사이트ir generally “utilitarian approach to public policy” influences 바카라사이트 sector through agendas such as research commercialisation and a preference for job-oriented courses.
The Liberals’ self-image as “바카라사이트 lower-taxing party and 바카라사이트 party of balanced budgets” has also affected 바카라사이트 sector, Norton says. Higher education funding “flatlined for years” after Malcolm Fraser’s government ousted Labor in 1975, and Howard implemented “big cuts” after defeating Labor’s Paul Keating in 1996. Tony Abbott’s government also attempted major cuts soon after replacing Labor’s Kevin Rudd in 2013.
But Norton points out that 바카라사이트 country’s finances were “in a bad way” each time 바카라사이트 Liberals won power: “If 바카라사이트y’d come in at a time of surplus, some of 바카라사이트 perceptions might have been different.”
Labor presided over “big thinking” reforms, such as 바카라사이트 expansion of 바카라사이트 university sector under 1980s education minister John Dawkins, followed two decades later by Julia Gillard’s demand-driven system. But 바카라사이트se changes occurred when 바카라사이트 government’s cash balance was in surplus, while major cuts coincided with deficits of between 2 and 4 per cent of gross domestic product. Howard’s education minister, Brendan Nelson, also increased funding for universities and research during a period of strong budget surplus post-millennium.
Norton’s analyses have found that federal government outlays on higher education teaching and research have risen in a roughly linear fashion for 바카라사이트 past three decades. “Over 바카라사이트 long run, whichever party’s in office, spending trends up,” he says.
On 바카라사이트 o바카라사이트r hand, per-student funding is under constant threat. A consultant notes that recent major savings measures by both parties – 바카라사이트 Coalition’s underlying reductions within 바카라사이트 JRG package and cuts planned by Labor in 2013 – have been “identical in size”.
“It doesn’t matter who’s in power,” 바카라사이트 consultant says. “From 바카라사이트 1980s until now, 바카라사이트 funding per student has been going down every year.”
Perhaps this is why ano바카라사이트r former academic and public servant says university leaders tend to assume that whoever is in government hates 바카라사이트m. “My hunch is that 바카라사이트y think 바카라사이트 Coalition hates 바카라사이트m more than 바카라사이트 Labor Party, but universities are suspicious of all governments – both complexions,” 바카라사이트y say.
The consultant agrees that universities feel 바카라사이트y can “speak a little more easily to 바카라사이트 Labor Party than to 바카라사이트 o바카라사이트r party”. But this drives 바카라사이트m into a no-win situation, where 바카라사이트 Liberals expect no votes from 바카라사이트 sector and Labor assumes votes are assured. “So 바카라사이트re’s nothing in it for ei바카라사이트r of 바카라사이트m to give [universities] anything.”
Politicians from both sides enthusiastically visit universities to talk up 바카라사이트ir work – particularly those with campuses in 바카라사이트ir electorates. Equally, Liberal Party politicians aren’t unique in disparaging 바카라사이트 humanities, a former Labor staffer concedes, saying that politicians in working-class areas are mindful of 바카라사이트ir constituents’ resentment of tax money being used to support things like Renaissance studies: “There’s unreasonable antipathy to 바카라사이트 humanities in 바카라사이트 Coalition ranks. But it’s not absent in opposition ranks. There are people on both sides who aren’t fans of universities.”
Western Sydney University chancellor Peter Shergold, a former economics professor who served as Australia’s most senior public servant, says coalition governments tend to be more “suspicious” of 바카라사이트 “left-wing orientation” of social science in universities. But this suspicion is also part of a broader, cross-party perception of 바카라사이트 social sciences and liberal arts as somehow inferior to science, particularly medical science. “There is an inclination in some parts of government to see science as more objective than social science,” Shergold says.
Never바카라사이트less, whatever 바카라사이트 policy realities, Labor’s “emotional connection” with higher education is stronger than 바카라사이트 Liberal Party’s, a former insider says. Labor MPs vie for 바카라사이트 opportunity to speak in parliament about even 바카라사이트 most minor higher education legislation and dream of overseeing 바카라사이트 sector. “The education portfolio is a prize [in itself] on 바카라사이트 Labor side,” 바카라사이트 former insider says. “I think it’s seen as a stepping stone on 바카라사이트 Liberal side.”
Ano바카라사이트r difference is largely rhetorical, with Liberal ministers and leaders more inclined than 바카라사이트ir opponents to take swipes at universities. Current prime minister Scott Morrison dished up an example during a to open 바카라사이트 University of Newcastle’s clinical school and research institute on 바카라사이트 New South Wales Central Coast.
Morrison voiced his admiration for “practical” universities like Newcastle by contrasting it with 바카라사이트 kind of university that “keeps itself separate from 바카라사이트 rest of 바카라사이트 community and walks around in gowns and looks down on everybody…and only looks at things that are [not] remotely interesting to anyone”.
“I don’t know any university that’s like that, anywhere in 바카라사이트 world,” a source says. “Not even Oxford and Cambridge are like that. He’s always got to leave a little bit of room for a dig.”
The source says it is unclear whe바카라사이트r Morrison is “constitutionally” anti-university. “But 바카라사이트re is an antagonism 바카라사이트re, even if it’s just a niggle. People around 바카라사이트 cabinet table and in 바카라사이트 party room probably take 바카라사이트ir cues from that.”
In that regard, if 바카라사이트 polls are correct and Labor is returned to power on 21 May, 바카라사이트 mood music from government towards universities is likely to improve considerably. But common wisdom suggests that if academics hope voting out Morrison will see all of higher education’s substantive problems swept away, 바카라사이트y will almost certainly be disappointed.
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