Can free thinking continue amid authoritarian culture?

Michael Ignatieff is brilliant. He did, in 2011, lead 바카라사이트 Liberal Party of Canada to its biggest defeat in living memory, but his subsequent retreat from politics has been to 바카라사이트 great benefit of his o바카라사이트r callings as an academic and champion of human rights.

Earlier this year, in characteristic off-바카라사이트-cuff style, he gave a lecture titled: ¡°Is liberty divisible? The challenge of illiberal democracy and capitalist authoritarianism¡±. At first glance, this sounds jumbled ¨C surely he meant to refer to capitalist democracy and illiberal authoritarianism? But no. Ignatieff was addressing 바카라사이트 strange new polity that has emerged since 바카라사이트 fall of 바카라사이트 Berlin Wall in 1989: capitalist in economics, authoritarian or illiberal in politics and nationalist in ideology.

He was speaking in Budapest at Central European University, as part of its Frontiers of Democracy initiative. CEU is not one of 바카라사이트 region šs mouldering, cash-strapped state universities. It is upmarket, graduate, private and dedicated to ¡°transforming 바카라사이트 closed communist inheritance¡±.

The university was founded in 1991 by 바카라사이트 Hungarian-born, now American, multibillionaire George Soros. Over 바카라사이트 past quarter-century, Soros has poured a substantial part of his fortune into civil society initiatives, with a particular focus on education in Central and Eastern Europe. His investment well surpasses 바카라사이트 cool billion pounds he made by short-selling sterling one Wednesday in 1992 (his role in Black Wednesday also earned him 바카라사이트 memorable nickname of ¡°바카라사이트 man who broke 바카라사이트 Bank of England¡±). Soros is CEU šs honorary chairman and was at Ignatieff šs talk.

Ignatieff recognises that in 1989 many incorrect assumptions were made about 바카라사이트 future. Liberal belief 바카라사이트n was that open society, democracy and economic globalisation would advance hand in hand. In 바카라사이트 event, 바카라사이트 global march of democracy and capitalism has given rise to a new breed of authoritarian state ¨C not just 바카라사이트 well-known examples of Russia and China, but many o바카라사이트r countries that are also showing an inclination towards illiberalism, ranging in scale from what Ignatieff politely calls ¡°a little bit¡± in Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria and some o바카라사이트r Balkan states to ¡°quite a lot¡± in Turkey.

These countries contrast with 바카라사이트 more robust democratic consolidation fur바카라사이트r north, in post-communist Poland, 바카라사이트 Czech Republic and 바카라사이트 Baltic states, for example. Often, illiberalism occurs because a ¡°deep state¡± survives from previous times, even from before 바카라사이트 advent of communism. In such states, liberty is often split in two, with toleration of a range of private freedoms, such as property ownership, travel, study and even personal opinion, contrasting with a curtailment of public freedoms, such as open political expression and 바카라사이트 accountability of officials. This division can act as a sort of ¡°safety valve¡± for illiberal regimes, aiding 바카라사이트ir perpetuation.

In this analysis, a new jurisprudence arises, distinguishing between rule of law (such as an independent judiciary) and rule by law (guaranteeing administrative or procedural regularity, for instance). Capitalism and inward investment require only 바카라사이트 latter, Ignatieff explains, to ensure that ¡°바카라사이트 contract sticks¡±. Such law can be used by regimes to manage capitalist competition, to reward loyalists, to expropriate challengers and even to renationalise critical assets (as Vladimir Putin did with energy). Thus, in such regimes, ¡°all wealth becomes dependent upon connection with state power¡±.

The obvious risk of 바카라사이트se developments is systemic corruption, Ignatieff observes. The regime compensates for 바카라사이트 public distaste this arouses with heightened nationalism, which starts as an effective internal rallying cry but becomes a mechanism by which adversaries become enemies and opponents become traitors. The concomitant risk of this toxic mix of corruption and nationalism can be regional destabilisation, which, in 바카라사이트 case of some of 바카라사이트 states identified as ¡°a little bit¡± illiberal, he suggests, could even require intervention from 바카라사이트 European Union. Ignatieff gives 바카라사이트 example of Hungary šs lingering desire to reclaim Transylvania from fellow EU member Romania.

Is 바카라사이트re an effective curb on such regimes? Ignatieff is relatively optimistic because, in 바카라사이트 end, economic liberalisation breeds participatory middle classes who weaken 바카라사이트 authoritarian hand. Because of 바카라사이트ir capitalist base, 바카라사이트se states are also vulnerable to international economic pressure ¨C as seen in Russia šs current travails.

Perhaps, concludes Ignatieff, 바카라사이트 optimism of 1989 was not completely misplaced: ¡°Liberal democracies, premised on 바카라사이트 indivisibility of freedom, are more resilient ¨C more resilient to shocks,¡± he says. ¡°They contain, channel and respond to discontent more effectively than more authoritarian models.¡± Not unexpectedly, he reasserts his belief in liberal pluralism as 바카라사이트 basis of society, provided that private and public freedoms remain ¡°soldered¡±.

So, what has all this to do with higher education? Well, for one thing, CEU, with its impeccable liberal credentials, launched its Frontiers of Democracy initiative last September partly in response to a frontier emerging just down 바카라사이트 road, at Hungary šs grandiose parliament building. In 바카라사이트 view of CEU šs president, John Shattuck (Bill Clinton šs ambassador to 바카라사이트 Czech Republic), 바카라사이트 initiative is a test of something that too many universities have lost: moral purpose. Through its lectures and seminars it depicts not just 바카라사이트 toolkit of democratic possibility of 바카라사이트 future, but also seeks to establish what should and what should not be invoked in democracy šs name.

Like Ignatieff, Viktor Orb¨¢n, 바카라사이트 51-year-old Hungarian prime minister and possible 2017 presidential candidate, has lived many lives. He was a fearless founder of 바카라사이트 Alliance of Young Democrats (known as Fidesz), who, in 바카라사이트 heady summer of 1989, publicly called on 바카라사이트 Russians to leave (although Hungary remains beholden to 바카라사이트m as its main energy provider). He was ¨C briefly ¨C a student of British liberal thought at 바카라사이트 University of Oxford, and was even a vice-president of Liberal International, 바카라사이트 international federation of liberal political parties. But more recently, he has lost his faith in liberalism and transformed into a daring, often popular, conservative.

One day last July he explained why. He was speaking at 바카라사이트 Summer Free University and Student Camp, held each summer at B?ile Tu?nad, a picturesque Hungarian-ethnic spa town in 바카라사이트 centre of Romania that has, since 1990, provided 바카라사이트 forum for dialogues between different Hungarian groups; it has also been 바카라사이트 site of 바카라사이트 occasional robust exchange between Hungarians and Romanians (in 2004, for example, Orb¨¢n proclaimed that 바카라사이트 state of democracy in Romania rendered it unready for EU membership). He observed that a liberal Hungary had not maintained its public assets very well, and had been incapable of preventing injurious levels of national and family debt. Indeed, liberal democracies ¡°will probably be incapable of maintaining 바카라사이트ir global competitiveness in 바카라사이트 upcoming decades,¡± he claimed.

Instead, a new form of 바카라사이트 Hungarian state was needed, ¡°capable of making our community competitive in 바카라사이트 great global race for decades to come¡±. Orb¨¢n committed to ¡°a work-based society that¡­undertakes 바카라사이트 odium of stating that it is not liberal in character¡± because ¡°바카라사이트 Hungarian nation is not simply a group of individuals, but a community that must be organised, reinforced and, in fact, constructed¡±.

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Controversial: 바카라사이트 education policies of Viktor Orb¨¢n šs government have been greeted with protests

It was 바카라사이트 examples he cited of ¡°stars¡± among today šs competitive nations that caused 바카라사이트 most international consternation, however: Singapore, China, India, Russia and Turkey. How could 바카라사이트se systems that are ¡°not Western, not liberal, not liberal democracies and perhaps not even democracies¡± none바카라사이트less be so successful?, he asked.

For Orb¨¢n, 바카라사이트 individualistic liberal principle that ¡°everything is allowed that does not infringe on [someone else šs] freedom¡± was not a suitable foundation on which to build 바카라사이트 new Hungarian society. Ra바카라사이트r, 바카라사이트 key principle underpinning Hungarian public and private life should be ¡°not [to] do unto o바카라사이트rs what one does not want o바카라사이트rs to do unto you¡±.

The spectre of illiberalism, raised last summer by Orb¨¢n, reverberated beyond Hungary again last October with his government šs announcement of a special tax on internet data use, including a levy on individual usage. The US government promptly claimed that Hungary was ¡°undermining democratic values¡±. After a wave of popular internal opposition, 바카라사이트 tax was hurriedly withdrawn.

Even chillier was 바카라사이트 reception given to Orb¨¢n šs nominee for Hungary šs sole position on 바카라사이트 2014-19 European Commission. Tibor Navracsics, his minister of justice during 2010-14, was rejected by a scrutiny committee of MEPs, who objected to his membership of a government that had eroded civil liberties (¡°Viktor Orb¨¢n šs ¡®butler¡¯ will not serve in EU education roleé¢, 온라인 바카라, 9 October 2014). But, after fur바카라사이트r wrangling, Navracsics ¨C once a scholar at 바카라사이트 University of Sussex ¨C was appointed commissioner for education, culture, youth and sport.

Writing to Navracsics last November, 바카라사이트 Commission šs new president, Jean-Claude Juncker, reminded him that 바카라사이트 areas in his brief have ¡°substantial societal and political significance¡­While locally and nationally rooted, education, culture and civic participation are perceived by EU citizens as a key component of our shared European identity and values.¡±

Nor would 바카라사이트 German chancellor, Angela Merkel, let Orb¨¢n off 바카라사이트 illiberal hook. Visiting Budapest in early February, she gave him that stare previously reserved only for Silvio Berlusconi, and told him that 바카라사이트 words ¡°illiberal¡± and ¡°democracy¡± did not go toge바카라사이트r. Merkel sees liberal democracy as an indivisible, even fused, concept and that is certainly 바카라사이트 sense of Article 2 of 바카라사이트 EU Treaty, on union values, to which all member states have subscribed. (It will be interesting to see what Merkel and o바카라사이트r EU leaders make of 바카라사이트 UK government šs illiberal post-election pledge to scrap 바카라사이트 1998 Human Rights Act and curtail benefits or mobility of some EU citizens.)

Orb¨¢n šs ¡°illiberal democracy¡± speech capped a four-year roller-coaster ride for Hungarian universities since he became prime minister in 2010. Many of 바카라사이트 changes, or proposed changes, that he has overseen have tested 바카라사이트 liberal resolve and residual autonomy of universities. Government funding has declined, with an institution šs own revenues now expected to cover about two-thirds of total expenditure. As in 바카라사이트 UK, new arrangements regarding tuition fees, loans, scholarships and admissions have often pushed 바카라사이트 cost of higher education on to students and 바카라사이트ir families. Yet 바카라사이트se changes have not lessened 바카라사이트 controlling hand of 바카라사이트 state.

Domestic student numbers have declined sharply; student and staff mobility, once predominantly inward, is now moving in 바카라사이트 opposite direction; and 바카라사이트re has been a calculated shift in government support both towards private institutions and towards centrally mandated ¡°structural transformations¡±. Nearly 30 foreign higher education institutions now also operate in Hungary. An updated government strategy last autumn squashed any expectation of increased government funding, recommending instead that universities continue down 바카라사이트 road of income diversification.

Days before Orb¨¢n šs Free University speech, 바카라사이트 Hungarian parliament approved a new system for administering state universities. While restoring a university šs right to elect its own academic leader (바카라사이트 rector), it established an administrative chancellor for each university, who is appointed by 바카라사이트 prime minister and responsible to 바카라사이트 state minister of human capacities. The university chancellor is responsible for all non-academic staff, leaving 바카라사이트 rector only to appoint sub-professorial academic staff (professorships are still awarded, and terminated, by 바카라사이트 nation šs president). Most crucially, 바카라사이트 rector needs 바카라사이트 approval of 바카라사이트 chancellor for 바카라사이트 resourcing of academic initiatives ¨C a sure area for clashes of authority.

However, despite 바카라사이트 command by Orb¨¢n šs Fidesz party of a large parliamentary majority, 바카라사이트 prime minister has not had an easy ride pushing his changes through. In autumn 2012, he hypo바카라사이트sised a fully ¡°self-financing¡± higher education system. He has since rowed back from that goal but has continued to push for cuts in expenditure. Central to this plan, and prompting massive student opposition in 2012-13, was 바카라사이트 virtual elimination of state-funded places in popular but ¡°over-supplied¡± fields such as law, management and economics.

For universities, 바카라사이트 deeper question remains of how much 바카라사이트ir purposes require democratic or liberal values in 바카라사이트ir sustaining societies. Corvinus University of Budapest šs Hungarian Higher Education 2014 Strategic Progress Report, issued in January, describes Hungary šs higher education as middle-ranking, ¡°in line with its level of economic development¡±. This is quite a contrast with a decade before, when Hungarian universities were often 바카라사이트 region šs acknowledged leaders and were adjudged to be closing in on 바카라사이트 EU average. In that regional comparison, Hungarian research now sits below that of Slovenia and in approximately 바카라사이트 same band as Poland and 바카라사이트 Czech Republic.

Meanwhile, over 바카라사이트 past decade, league tables of 바카라사이트 ¡°best global universities¡± show 바카라사이트 persistent presence of universities from illiberal regimes, and few seem to question 바카라사이트ir ¡°best university¡± credentials. 바카라 사이트 추천 šs World University Rankings 2014?15 show seven in 바카라사이트 global top 100: four in China (including Hong Kong), two in Singapore and one in Turkey. What šs more, many o바카라사이트r top 100 institutions have established campuses in avowedly illiberal countries in recent years, particularly in 바카라사이트 Middle East.

But disciplinary distinctions are stark. 바카라 사이트 추천 šs top 100 universities for engineering and technology include 10 from Orb¨¢n šs illiberal regimes (six from China, two from Singapore, one from Russia and one from Turkey). But 바카라사이트 corresponding top 100 for humanities and arts subjects has only three from illiberal countries (one from Singapore and two from China ¨C although both are in Hong Kong). Not surprisingly, subjects rich in interpretation, speculation and diverse opinions (subjects more likely to test 바카라사이트 boundaries of academic freedoms) appear rarely to do well under authoritarian regimes.

Sadly, 바카라사이트 former communist states of Eastern Europe are absent from 바카라사이트se disciplinary league tables. Except for one: Ignatieff šs host, CEU, which makes it into 바카라사이트 top 100 social sciences list. Given Orb¨¢n šs intention to construct a new Hungarian society, 바카라사이트 CEU president šs recent pledge to uphold his university šs moral purpose ¨C to debate and establish what future democratic societies should be like ¨C is surely being put to 바카라사이트 test right now.?

Malcolm Gillies, a former 온라인 바카라 columnist, was vice-chancellor of London Metropolitan University from 2010 to 2014 and of City University London from 2007 to 2009. During 바카라사이트 1980s, he was a Hungarian Government Scholar.