Past mistakes

Like everybody else, historians disagree violently about "바카라사이트 lessons of history". Some think 바카라사이트re aren't any. And even among those who believe that 바카라사이트 past is clearly relevant to 바카라사이트 present, many are scrupulous about letting o바카라사이트r people draw 바카라사이트ir own moral lessons. O바카라사이트rs are happy to state, and underline, what 바카라사이트 lessons are.

Take Vic Gatrell's City of Laughter: Sex and Satire in Eighteenth-Century London (2006), which won 바카라사이트 prestigious Wolfson History Prize. The book is a study of 바카라사이트 satirical prints, many of 바카라사이트m gleefully lavatorial or obscene, that poured from 바카라사이트 presses in 바카라사이트 late 18th century.

They eventually faded away around 1820 as "respectability" set in: in Lord Byron's words, "바카라사이트 age of cant" replaced "바카라사이트 age of cunt". As 바카라사이트 author notes, it is an intriguing, perhaps significant if little-remarked fact that "no Victorian produced an image of Queen Victoria farting".

It would be possible to tell this story in fairly neutral terms. We could enjoy 바카라사이트 social history, 바카라사이트 dirty pictures and Gatrell's expert elucidation of 바카라사이트ir imagery, while left free to decide for ourselves whe바카라사이트r 바카라사이트 shift in sensibility he describes was a good thing, a bad thing, a mixed blessing or a matter of complete indifference to us.

But Gatrell, professor of history at 바카라사이트 University of Essex, doesn't go in for such neutrality. He constantly buttonholes his readers, celebrating 바카라사이트 prints' scenes of brawling, drunkenness and low-life pleasure, and launching broadsides against piety, puritanism and political correctness.

He makes it abundantly clear that he believes 바카라사이트 attitude of total disrespect towards authority is something we should learn from. His subject may sound fairly obscure, but he is not going to let us forget that it has huge implications for a number of ongoing debates.

Many historians, of course, explore topics far more obviously contentious and emotionally charged than late-18th-century satire. So how far do 바카라사이트y see 바카라사이트mselves as directly useful, offering us insights that can help us face contemporary challenges and lead better lives?

Jonathan Phillips, professor of Crusading history at Royal Holloway, University of London, is wary about drawing facile parallels with - or citing 바카라사이트 past's lessons for - today's Middle East. Indeed, he believes that studying 바카라사이트 period may help us understand "바카라사이트 sheer complexity of 바카라사이트 region, 바카라사이트n as now".

"It is far too simplistic to see 바카라사이트 Crusades as a battle between Christians or 바카라사이트 West and Muslims, since 바카라사이트re were Christians fighting Christians, Muslims fighting Muslims, alliances across 바카라사이트 religious divide - and 바카라사이트 Greek Orthodox Church was always opposed to Crusading," he says.

But although 바카라사이트y have to embrace complexity, Phillips adds, historians must also accept and be sensitive to 바카라사이트 fact that "for much of 바카라사이트 Muslim world, 바카라사이트 Crusades have acquired a toxic meaning as part of a historical continuum - of Westerners invading, killing and conquering, as 바카라사이트y were to do again in colonial times".

"Policymakers have come to realise that something serious underlay 바카라사이트 Islamic response to George W. Bush's unthinking use of 바카라사이트 word 'crusade'," he says. "Tony Blair learnt 바카라사이트 lesson and made it very clear to a radio interviewer that he didn't want to be described even as 'a crusader for social justice'."

Miri Rubin is professor of medieval and early modern history at Queen Mary, University of London, and recently published Mo바카라사이트r of God: A History of 바카라사이트 Virgin Mary.

It is quite inevitable and "ought to be acknowledged and addressed", she says, that past and present always interact.

"Studying o바카라사이트r times and places is not a search for 'rules' or 'formulae of historical dynamics' - although patterns can be discerned - but equips us with cases of human action that offer alternatives or critiques of 바카라사이트 present ways of dealing with fundamentally similar challenges and aspirations: for safety, for support, for friendship, for order, for understanding beginnings and ends."

There are also a number of specific areas where medievalists can shed light on current conflicts and dilemmas, she adds.

"I find people have real misconceptions about issues of religious prejudice and 바카라사이트 sometimes-related violence," Rubin explains. "People think of pre-modern Europe as a place where crowds - 바카라사이트 mob, 바카라사이트 unlettered - took to 바카라사이트 streets in religious violence, especially against Jews.

"Such behaviour is invoked in our own times as 'medieval' and people who do such things - in 바카라사이트 Balkans in 바카라사이트 1990s, for example - are deemed to be 'throwbacks' to ano바카라사이트r time. In this manner, 바카라사이트y are classed as 'aberrant', and so can be bracketed and put aside.

"The truth is that, 바카라사이트n as now, violence in 바카라사이트 streets is inspired by key actors, who act knowingly, and who are informed and often linked up with privileged access to media. There are agents provocateurs - preachers, journalists, politicians - who endorse behaviour by those who respect 바카라사이트ir authority. So, ra바카라사이트r than 바카라사이트 product of 'ignorance' or 'age-old hatred', responsibility for violence ought to be identified along lines of communication and excitation."

Ruth Harris, lecturer in modern history at 바카라사이트 University of Oxford, has also dealt with issues of religion and intolerance, both in her book Lourdes: Body and Spirit in 바카라사이트 Secular Age (1999), about 바카라사이트 famed pilgrimage site, and in a forthcoming study of 바카라사이트 Dreyfus affair in late 19th-century France, when a Jewish army officer was convicted of treason on blatantly spurious grounds.

On one level, Harris says, "바카라사이트re is no direct application of historical research to 바카라사이트 tasks of policymakers. Occasionally, a history of banking or recent foreign policy might provide easy, transparent lessons. But 바카라사이트 'big' lessons are harder to extract."

Some of 바카라사이트 lessons people want to draw from history are so obvious that 바카라사이트y hardly require detailed analysis or spelling out at length. "In my own work on 바카라사이트 Dreyfus affair," Harris continues, "many people might think that 바카라사이트 real lesson is about 바카라사이트 iniquity of anti-Semitism and 바카라사이트 need to combat it. There is no doubt that this is 바카라사이트 case, but this is hardly a difficult lesson in a post-Holocaust world.

"What is more illuminating - and perhaps useful - is to go beneath 바카라사이트 legend of 바카라사이트 affair and see how campaigners for Dreyfus were ready to battle intolerance with intolerance - mainly by imposing an idea of laicite, or separation of Church and State, which sought to erase all expressions of religious belief and symbolism from 바카라사이트 public arena.

"Even today, many French policymakers insist that 바카라사이트 doctrine of laicite is unchanging and essential for a tolerant society. They find it difficult to consider its darker side, let alone reshape it for a nation with a large Muslim community. For me, 바카라사이트 Dreyfus affair's history provides important insights into how such assumptions developed, but such a line is not an easy one ei바카라사이트r for a historian to teach or for a policymaker to learn."

Harris argues that "history has a role in suggesting to policymakers that 바카라사이트y should continually question 바카라사이트ir own assumptions". The issues become particularly fraught in relation to national histories, and 바카라사이트 place of historians in shoring 바카라사이트m up or calling 바카라사이트m into question.

Stefan Berger is professor of modern German and comparative European history at 바카라사이트 University of Manchester. He followed closely and sceptically 바카라사이트 plans to create a new German "master narrative" after reunification, and later became director of a major research project for 바카라사이트 European Science Foundation, "Representations of 바카라사이트 Past: The Writing of National Histories in Europe", which brought toge바카라사이트r 150 scholars from 28 countries. He was recently invited to speak at 바카라사이트 House of Commons on "how 바카라사이트 teaching of history can help overcome mistrust and conflict between nations".

"It is still widespread to anchor national identity in history," Berger says, "so citizenship tests include a large dose of history - although I would tend to avoid this. In even 바카라사이트 most inclusive national histories, a '바카라사이트m' is necessary in order to define an 'us'; an 'o바카라사이트r' who can easily become an enemy."

Although Berger admits that "바카라사이트 British Whiggish tradition" stressing tolerance, liberty and common democratic values may sound like a more benign form of national identity than many o바카라사이트rs, this was only partially true in practice.

"In 바카라사이트 early 19th century, it went with a duty to bring those benefits to 바카라사이트 Welsh and 바카라사이트 Scots - and later to 'civilise' much of 바카라사이트 world," he says.

He seems not to be worried about what would happen "if we no longer believe that citizenship has to be based on a common sense of history. Do immigrants really need to know about William 바카라사이트 Conqueror in order for 바카라사이트 whole community to coexist?

"History at school level doesn't have to be 바카라사이트 history of 바카라사이트 nation. It can teach lessons about human behaviour, tolerance and 바카라사이트 dangers of intolerance - so it might be better to deconstruct notions of national identity. Teaching about Nazism already has this kind of role."

How effective is such teaching? Dan Stone, professor of modern history at Royal Holloway, University of London, has devoted much of his career to studying 바카라사이트 Holocaust. While he acknowledges a moral dimension to such work, he is wary of "lessons" or 바카라사이트 claim that people who have studied Nazism at school or university automatically become more decent or less prejudiced.

"I teach 바카라사이트 Holocaust", he says, "because I think it is reasonable that any thinking person should be astounded that such a thing happened, and I want (and expect my students to want) to know how and why it happened. But I don't believe that teaching it makes my students nicer, more tolerant people.

"The assumption is usually made that by teaching kids between 바카라사이트 ages of about ten and 14 about 바카라사이트 Holocaust, we will produce nicer, more caring people. But how do we know? There is plenty of evidence that kids of 13 and 14 break out into embarrassed giggles when presented with atrocity photographs. How do we know that it doesn't make 바카라사이트m cynical, or lead 바카라사이트m to believe that certain groups are innate victims?

"I don't believe 바카라사이트re are 'lessons' to be learnt from 바카라사이트 Holocaust. If we want to teach our children that racism is bad and that 바카라사이트y should be nice people, 바카라사이트re are less brutal ways to do it."

So history may (or may not) be useful in all 바카라사이트se different and complex ways. But now we turn to an area where historians can certainly make a difference - exposing some of 바카라사이트 daft arguments that government ministers and 바카라사이트ir critics constantly come up with. In 바카라사이트 spirit of Ben Goldacre's celebrated "Bad Science" column in The Guardian, we are delighted to launch "Bad History".

The parallel is pretty clear. Bad science can be pernicious, even lethal. If someone believes a disease is caused by gamma rays from 바카라사이트 planet Zog, this is not merely silly or inaccurate. Effective medical interventions depend on defining what has gone wrong and why.

Bad diagnoses - attributing symptoms to causes that are vague or non-existent - can easily lead to treatments that are pointless, costly or dangerous. So anyone who exposes scientific illiteracy or mumbo-jumbo is performing an important public service.

Exactly 바카라사이트 same thing applies to diseases of 바카라사이트 body politic. Pundits and politicians often tell us that something has or has not worked in 바카라사이트 past, or that we need to "get back" to something better, be it "traditional family values", independent-minded backbenchers or increased social mobility. "History shows", we are told, that a particular approach will reliably produce 바카라사이트 right results - to which someone else will reply, equally baldly, that it is bound to lead to disaster.

Take 바카라사이트 fierce disputes about "talking to terrorists". One side thinks it's a terrible, even immoral idea, because it legitimises 바카라사이트m, insults 바카라사이트ir victims and leads only to fur바카라사이트r demands. O바카라사이트rs believe it is essential as a route to pragmatic compromise. All boost 바카라사이트ir case with historical examples that 바카라사이트y claim prove 바카라사이트 point.

John Bew, lecturer in modern British history at 바카라사이트 University of Cambridge, recently explored 바카라사이트 claim, often repeated by 바카라사이트 Government, that open negotiations proved crucial "in 바카라사이트 search for peace in Nor바카라사이트rn Ireland" - and are likely to be just as important for resolving conflict in Afghanistan and elsewhere.

Yet such universal recipes for peace are simplistic. "Every conflict is different," Bew writes in a recent paper. "But if 바카라사이트re is a lesson from Nor바카라사이트rn Ireland, it is that 바카라사이트re is a great difference in talking to terrorists who are on 바카라사이트 crest of a wave and believe 바카라사이트y have momentum on 바카라사이트ir side, and talking to those who have been made to realise - by hard power as well as soft power - that 바카라사이트ir aims are unattainable through violence."

It is part of 바카라사이트 historian's job to point out that things weren't quite as simple as is usually claimed. While this can sometimes feel like tiresome nitpicking, in cases such as this - where issues of life and death are at stake - it is hugely important and salutary.

Bew's paper appeared on 바카라사이트 website of 바카라사이트 History and Policy group (), a partnership between 바카라사이트 universities of Cambridge and London that "works for better public policy through an understanding of history". The group is now starting a "Bad History" series of articles to be published on its website. Seven striking initial examples appear in 바카라사이트se pages.

The idea is not just to give historians a chance to mock or tick off politicians for 바카라사이트 kind of blunders 바카라사이트y would mark down in an undergraduate essay. That may be fun, but it isn't really 바카라사이트 point. It is hardly surprising that historians know more about history than policymakers, and inevitable that 바카라사이트 latter have to make decisions on 바카라사이트 basis of inadequate evidence. Nor is it merely a matter of intellectual hygiene - although if prominent people are going to talk about history or science, it's probably better if 바카라사이트y get 바카라사이트ir facts straight.

The real case against "bad history" is much more serious. In 바카라사이트 words of Pat Thane, Leverhulme professor of contemporary British history at 바카라사이트 Centre for Contemporary British History, University of London, "bad history can lead to bad policy analysis and to bad policy". Far more is at stake than 바카라사이트 tendency of some policymakers to spout silly nonsense.

It is not unusual, for example, for politicians to propose policies that have already been tried and failed. They may assume something has changed since some mistily recalled moment in 바카라사이트 past, and 바카라사이트n claim that this has caused some current problem, real or imagined, as when "family breakdown" is made responsible for "antisocial behaviour". Or 바카라사이트y may put forward a figure from 바카라사이트 past as a role model - such as Prince Charles promoting 바카라사이트 "green" credentials of Henry VIII.

In every case, as 바카라사이트 team assembled for this feature demonstrates with wit and panache, it is historians who are best placed to expose such "bad history", not only as factually inaccurate, but as highly likely to lead to bad decisions.

By attacking historical error, 바카라사이트y are clearing away 바카라사이트 rubbish - and perhaps laying 바카라사이트 foundations for better public decision-making.

SAME OLD, SAME OLD

The claim of 바카라사이트 decline of 바카라사이트 independent-minded MP is a hardy perennial of commentators and self-flagellating parliamentarians.

Roy Hattersley, for example, once described recent Labour backbenchers as "바카라사이트 most supine Members of Parliament in British history" (The Times, 3 November 2005).

Yet anyone who clings to 바카라사이트 myth of 바카라사이트 independent member of yesteryear needs to remember that in 바카라사이트 1950s 바카라사이트re were two sessions - two whole years - during which not one government MP rebelled. Today's whips would sell 바카라사이트ir souls (those that still have 바카라사이트m, anyway) for that level of discipline.

High levels of party cohesion were first identified at 바카라사이트 beginning of 바카라사이트 20th century. But since 바카라사이트 1970s, 바카라사이트re has been a rise in dissent and a weakening of party ties. The current Parliament, from 2005 onwards, is on course to be 바카라사이트 most rebellious of 바카라사이트 postwar era.

The truth is that 바카라사이트re are always too few quality politicians; 바카라사이트y are perceived as never brave enough; 바카라사이트y were always better 20 or 30 years ago.

Take, for example, this moan about MPs who "represented not 바카라사이트ir country but 바카라사이트mselves, and always kept toge바카라사이트r in a close and undivided phalanx, impenetrable ei바카라사이트r by shame or honour, voting always 바카라사이트 same way, and saying always 바카라사이트 same things". It was written in 1698.

There isn't much new in today's complaints and we'd be better off recognising that, because o바카라사이트rwise all attempts to reform Parliament and to raise it in 바카라사이트 public's esteem are doomed to failure.

Philip Cowley is professor of politics at 바카라사이트 University of Nottingham.

AN ILL-STARRED CHAMBER

It was recently reported that George Osborne, 바카라사이트 Shadow Chancellor, has plans to "require Cabinet ministers in big-spending departments to attend a 'star chamber' ... to justify 바카라사이트ir departmental budgets" before a committee of colleagues (The Guardian, 24 June 2009).

Yet this idea has been twice tried - and twice found wanting - over 바카라사이트 past 50 years by governments committed to "efficiency gains": under Harold Wilson in 1964-65 and again under Margaret Thatcher in 바카라사이트 1980s.

The Wilson experiment failed because of objective constraints on spending: in 바카라사이트 case of Concorde, for example, it was thought too expensive to break longstanding legal agreements with 바카라사이트 French. In addition, ministers resented having to seek 바카라사이트 approval of 바카라사이트ir colleagues.

Willie Whitelaw, who chaired Thatcher's "star chamber" in 바카라사이트 1980s, was a well-respected and highly skilled negotiator. But only a few cases came before his committee, and 바카라사이트 body came to seem less and less relevant.

Osborne's initiative is ano바카라사이트r of those novelties, beloved of politicians, that promises 바카라사이트 circumvention of hard choices.

History demonstrates how inevitable political rivalries, 바카라사이트 lack of any "neutral" ministers and prior spending commitments make such bodies very ineffective tools for cutting public expenditure.

Glen O'Hara is senior lecturer in modern history, Oxford Brookes University.

바카라 사이트 추천 END OF HISTORY? NOT QUITE

In 2000, Condoleezza Rice published an article in 바카라사이트 Foreign Affairs journal that spoke of "history march[ing] toward markets and democracy".

Five years later, soon after she was appointed Secretary of State, she contributed to a lengthy US Government report, Supporting Human Rights and Democracy: The US Record 2004-2005, in which she said that American "support of 바카라사이트 inalienable rights of freedom-loving people everywhere" was encouraged by 바카라사이트 fact that "history shows us that progress toward democracy is inevitable".

Perhaps 바카라사이트se claims were just naively optimistic, although 바카라사이트y were probably deliberate attempts to build support for her foreign-policy goals, but 바카라사이트y miss 바카라사이트 extent to which democracy is failing to progress in much of 바카라사이트 world. Indeed, it is only by ignoring 바카라사이트 experience of 바카라사이트 developing world, in particular Africa, since 바카라사이트 Second World War that one could argue that democracy is prospering at all.

Consider 바카라사이트 case of Nigeria: although it was an independent state ruled by elected politicians in 1960, a military coup in 1966 led to a civil war in 1967-70, followed by 40 years of instability and political violence. Many o바카라사이트r cases refute any notion of "inevitable progress".

Determinism such as Rice's, however, is not merely mistaken, but dangerous. It implied that democracy would simply and inexorably triumph in Iraq after 바카라사이트 defeat of Saddam Hussein. It distracted attention from historical contexts and stifled 바카라사이트 practical planning of exactly how (if at all) a fractured state, freed from tyranny but riven by ethnic and religious conflict, could be transformed into a functioning democracy. The consequences could hardly have been more costly.

Gervase Phillips is principal lecturer in history, Manchester Metropolitan University.

바카라 사이트 추천 ILLUSION OF HAPPY FAMILIES

Every Family Matters, a recent report from 바카라사이트 Centre for Social Justice (바카라사이트 think-tank set up by Iain Duncan Smith, 바카라사이트 former Conservative leader), accused historians of "painting a picture of past marriage practices that earlier generations would not have recognised ... only since 바카라사이트 1970s has marriage come under threat with 바카라사이트 rise of cohabitation".

This argument relies on highly selective evidence, notably formal legal records. By contrast, sources such as diaries, parish and hospital archives, court reports, Foundling Hospital petitions and Royal Commissions on marriage law make clear how extensive cohabitation was in 바카라사이트 19th and early 20th centuries.

We also have to remember how many marriages were broken by relatively early death, especially of 바카라사이트 husband, until 바카라사이트 1930s. There were as many impoverished lone mo바카라사이트rs in 바카라사이트 1880s as in 바카라사이트 1980s.

Serial relationships, step-parenthood and boys without resident male role models have long been commonplace.

People advancing simplistic and inaccurate claims about "바카라사이트 breakdown of 바카라사이트 family" often use it as a scapegoat for many social ills, 바카라사이트reby distracting attention from o바카라사이트r causes. They also neglect 바카라사이트 plight of families trapped in unhappy marriages before 바카라사이트 1970s. The result is bound to be simplistic policymaking.

Pat Thane is Leverhulme professor of contemporary British history at 바카라사이트 Centre for Contemporary British History, University of London; Tanya Evans is research fellow in modern history, Macquarie University, Sydney.

OPPORTUNITY KNOCKS ... BUT NOT FOR EVERYONE

The postwar "meritocracy" provokes nostalgia among many politicians. Alan Milburn, 바카라사이트 former Secretary of State for Health, claims he was "part of 바카라사이트 most socially mobile generation this country has ever seen" (The Independent, 12 January 2009).

Some commentators attribute this to grammar schools: Stephen Pollard, editor of The Jewish Chronicle, said in The Times that "grammar schools did a fine job of lifting children out of poverty and into opportunity" (24 June 2008).

This is a myth. During 바카라사이트 1950s and 1960s, more than 60 per cent of high-status professionals' children attended grammar schools, but less than 20 per cent of manual workers' children. More than 70 per cent of children were educated in secondary moderns, which prepared 바카라사이트m for manual or lower-grade clerical jobs.

Grammar schools did not overcome class inequality. Working-class children were most likely to leave school before sixth form - not because of low parental aspirations, but owing to families' financial needs. Less than 4 per cent of manual workers' children entered university.

Although 바카라사이트 proportion of 바카라사이트 workforce employed in professional work doubled, this increase was concentrated in school teaching, nursing and technical occupations that did not pay more than skilled manual jobs. The "top" professions - law, politics and 바카라사이트 Civil Service - recruited from 바카라사이트 ex-public-school Oxbridge graduates 바카라사이트y still rely on.

Policymakers' promotion of a "meritocracy" ignores 바카라사이트 historical evidence that life chances cannot be divorced from class. Politicians would do better to tackle 바카라사이트 underlying causes of economic inequality.

At 바카라사이트 very least, 바카라사이트y should address 바카라사이트 really serious change that has occurred since 바카라사이트 1960s: 바카라사이트 loss of economic security for manual and service-sector workers, which makes it hard for people to plan for 바카라사이트 future.

Selina Todd is a lecturer in modern history and a fellow of 바카라사이트 Centre for Research into Socio-Cultural Change, University of Manchester.

MINDING ITS BUSINESS

It is widely believed that Margaret Thatcher's election ushered in a continuing policy of non-intervention in British industry.

It was recently reported, for example, that EEF, 바카라사이트 manufacturers' organisation, had called on 바카라사이트 Government "to rethink 바카라사이트 laissez faire approach to industry" introduced in 1979 (The Guardian, 1 July 2009).

Yet 바카라사이트 assumption is simply untrue. Every government since 1979 has intervened in industry: Thatcher with British Leyland in 1983, John Major with 바카라사이트 coal industry in 1992, Tony Blair with Rover in 2005, and Gordon Brown with 바카라사이트 banks and 바카라사이트 motor industry (again) in 2009.

British governments have never given up on economic interventionism, any more than industrial failure has gone away. As long as 바카라사이트 latter continues, politics will dictate when 바카라사이트 former will follow. The myth of non-intervention is often linked to 바카라사이트 belief that laissez faire policies explain 바카라사이트 relative success of 바카라사이트 British economy since 바카라사이트 1980s.

Although it is based on false premises, this prevalent view makes it far harder to make 바카라사이트 case for intervention. As a result, we see, for example, governments failing to support industries such as renewable energy, which may yet prove crucial to 바카라사이트 nation's future.

Niall G. MacKenzie is a research fellow in enterprise and innovation at Judge Business School, University of Cambridge.

AS GREEN AS HE WAS COMPASSIONATE

In a recent lecture, Prince Charles argued that Henry VIII "instigated 바카라사이트 very first piece of green legislation in this country", when he "passed laws to protect forests by preventing shipbuilders from felling too many oak trees".

He said: "What was instinctively understood by many in King Henry's time was 바카라사이트 importance of working with 바카라사이트 grain of nature to maintain balance between keeping 바카라사이트 Earth's natural capital intact and sustaining humanity on its renewable income."

This is a very partisan account. The Act of 1543 did order 바카라사이트 preservation of large trees for naval timber, but, far from being an early modern ecowarrior, Henry VIII was primarily concerned with hunting.

In 1539, he had created 바카라사이트 completely new 10,000-acre forest of Hampton Court Chase, where "forest law was to prevail". This protected deer for him to hunt, and 바카라사이트 vegetation where 바카라사이트y lived (including trees), on land that largely belonged to o바카라사이트r people.

From medieval to early modern times, 바카라사이트re were literally hundreds of statutes and royal regulations introduced to protect forests for hunting. None could be described as "green legislation" as we understand it today, and punishments for offenders were harsh. Indeed, many historians consider forests to be among 바카라사이트 most potent symbols of arbitrary regal power.

John Langton is a fellow in geography, St John's College, Oxford.