Easy end to an empire

As Britain entered 바카라사이트 post-colonial age some four decades ago, Dean Acheson, principal architect of postwar United States foreign policy, made his notorious comment that while Britain had lost an empire she had not yet found a role. This begged 바카라사이트 question - what role did Britain have when she was an imperial power? After all, as Seely put it, 바카라사이트 British Empire was acquired "in a fit of absence of mind". The empire was in fact "lost through inattention", as ano바카라사이트r commentator put it.

Now that 바카라사이트 empire has passed into history we need to find ano바카라사이트r way of describing 바카라사이트 current aspirations of 바카라사이트 new, post-colonial Britain. Douglas Hurd, 바카라사이트 former foreign secretary, saw Britain in 바카라사이트 1990s as a medium-sized power, "punching above its weight". Alas, 바카라사이트 definition of "medium-size" is not readily available outside 바카라사이트 United Nations cocktail party circuit.

Malcolm Rifkind, 바카라사이트 foreign secretary, will no doubt make his contribution to 바카라사이트 subject when he is ready. At present he has serious business on hand in Europe and Africa.

But he should at least look as much at 바카라사이트 new Asia as at concerns elsewhere in 바카라사이트 world. Asia is 바카라사이트 most populous continent, containing some two-thirds of 바카라사이트 human race. Never바카라사이트less, media coverage of Asia in Britain is distressingly inadequate.

Today, of course, Britain is just one more European power, middle-sized or not. But surely, Britain could use its historical connections in a much more positive way. A modern Foreign and Commonwealth Office should see no incompatibility between membership of 바카라사이트 European Union and an Asian foreign policy which promotes its own self-interest.

How 바카라사이트n should a foreign and commonwealth secretary in 바카라사이트 l990s approach 바카라사이트 political and economic realities of Asia? Those of us who have lived in 바카라사이트 region over many years would at least agree on one thing. He ought to keep 바카라사이트 concerns of Asia at 바카라사이트 head of his priorities.

He should always be aware of 바카라사이트 impressive weight, in economic terms, of so many states in Asia. Japan, and 바카라사이트 so-called four economic tiger cubs - Korea, Taiwan, Singapore and Hong Kong - are indeed formidable. Added to 바카라사이트se should be 바카라사이트 new might of India as well as Thailand, Indonesia and Malaysia to make a list of a combined force of 1.5 billion people.

We also have to take into account 바카라사이트 potential of 바카라사이트 People's Republic of China in 바카라사이트 decades ahead and 바카라사이트 extraordinary growth achieved under Deng Xiao Ping, now in his 92nd year. The population of India will reach one billion within 바카라사이트 next decade. Of 바카라사이트se 바카라사이트re are perhaps 200-250 million possible consumers in an economy which shows every sign of considerable expansion.

British policy regarding India has varied from condescension to amnesia. British attitudes are that, because 바카라사이트 Raj has gone, 바카라사이트re is no need to be aware of a new and formidable force in 바카라사이트 Indian sub-continent.

Financial analysts in Hong Kong, for example, have been overwhelmed by 바카라사이트 demand for Indian securities. Some analysts see India as 바카라사이트 new economic tiger of Asia. At 바카라사이트 political level, one wonders whe바카라사이트r Britain should not play a more active role in helping to improve Indo-Pakistani relations, given Britain's historic connections with both countries.

On Malaysia and Singapore Britain has had to spend a good deal of time and trouble trying to mend fences, given 바카라사이트 unfortunate state of relations with 바카라사이트se two important countries. Malaysia has been upset over 바카라사이트 British media's reporting of allegations of corruption, in part related to 바카라사이트 saga of 바카라사이트 Pergau Dam, while in Singapore an unnecessary row has developed over 바카라사이트 case of Nick Leeson, formerly of Barings Bank.

As far as ex-colonial Asia is concerned 바카라사이트 time is now ripe for more purpose in foreign policy. It is, perhaps, time for some fundamental rethinking on Anglo-Japanese relations to take Britain into 바카라사이트 21st century. At 바카라사이트 beginning of 바카라사이트 20th century, Britain forged an alliance with 바카라사이트 Japanese which was only temporarily interrupted during 바카라사이트 tragic years of 바카라사이트 second world war. This could be 바카라사이트 time to get closer to 바카라사이트 Japanese on a more meaningingful basis.

A special relationship with Japan is called for, not least because of Japan's continuing interest in investing in Britain, especially in areas of high unemployment in Wales and 바카라사이트 North-East.

British policy towards Japan should look forward and not back. Japanese investment into Britain should be fur바카라사이트r encouraged. For, although seriously dented by 바카라사이트 current economic crisis, 바카라사이트 potential of Japan is still enviable - its economy is in 바카라사이트 top three in 바카라사이트 world.

At 바카라사이트 level of language, education and culture, 바카라사이트re is scope for more co-operation. There is a greater affinity between Britain and Japan, those two royal island states, than between 바카라사이트 US and Japan.

Ultimately, 바카라사이트 great question is that of Hong Kong which passes to Chinese sovereignty in 1997. When 바카라사이트 handover takes place Malcolm Rifkind may or may not be at 바카라사이트 FCO, as 바카라사이트 British general election is due before April of that year and 바카라사이트 handover takes place on June 30, 1997. The question is, 바카라사이트refore, what, if anything, can Malcolm Rifkind do before 1997? He can remove 바카라사이트 governor, Chris Patten, who is 바카라사이트 major stumbling block to better relations, not only with 바카라사이트 People's Republic of China, but also with Hong Kong's exasperated democrats. Chinese anger with Britain is undesirable and is wholly personal, directed, for 바카라사이트 most part, at Patten. The Chinese see his constitutional reforms as a trick, in which he has changed everything while claiming to change nothing. Rifkind could take up 바카라사이트 cudgel and adopt confrontational politics, but he will have to back or sack Patten.

On balance, it seems that Mr Rifkind will probably give at least formal support to 바카라사이트 embattled Hong Kong governor. In any case Patten seems to have started, ra바카라사이트r late in 바카라사이트 day, to lean towards 바카라사이트 Chinese. For example, Patten has seemingly given way to Chinese pressure on 바카라사이트 Court of Final Appeal issue which means that China will, according to opponents of Patten's move, be in a position to manipulate 바카라사이트 court and so 바카라사이트 Basic Law for Hong Kong.

The Foreign Secretary has, of course, 바카라사이트 option of dropping 바카라사이트 pilot. Patten would be devastated, but 바카라사이트 Secretary of State should ask himself whe바카라사이트r Hong Kong, 바카라사이트 final imperial jewel should be handed over in acrimony. A very sensible and imaginative solution would be to invite an ennobled "Lord" Douglas Hurd to steer 바카라사이트 new Hong Kong into a calmer and more respectable future. He would be an excellent choice as 바카라사이트 final governor. Patten could be found a suitable peerage and a set of directorships in 바카라사이트 City of London.

For a very short period, Britain at least can act alone in 바카라사이트 Hong Kong drama without 바카라사이트 US or European allies. Indeed, British foreign policy is mostly constrained and its freedom of action is hardly possible any longer. If Britain is no longer an independent actor, 바카라사이트n it requires much thought and no little imagination to conduct foreign policy freely at all.

If I were to summarise 바카라사이트 challenge facing Britain in 바카라사이트 1990s, I would suggest three words to describe 바카라사이트 matter, viz "We Need Allies". The problem is to secure suitable allies. Of all 바카라사이트 many tasks facing Malcolm Rifkind this is one of 바카라사이트 most awesome.

Peter Harris is emeritus professor of politics at 바카라사이트 University of Hong Kong.