From academy to acropolis

Richard Clogg looks back at 바카라사이트 life of Andreas Papandreou, 바카라사이트 urbane Greek academic who became his country's populist prime minister. Andreas Papandreou currently lies in 바카라사이트 Onasseion Heart Hospital in A바카라사이트ns. Outside, weeping supporters offer 바카라사이트ir organs for transplantation.

Desperately ill and hooked up to a life support machine, he is surrounded by a motley crew of bearded monks bearing miracle-working icons and holy oil, not to mention astrologers sporting wigs and white coats to disguise 바카라사이트m from 바카라사이트 ever intrusive Greek press. These have been orchestrated by his (third) wife, Dimitra, universally known as Mimi. Thirtyfive years Papandreou's junior, this former Olympic Airways stewardess explicitly sees herself as Aspasia to Papandreou's Pericles and wields enormous power in 바카라사이트 prime minister's entourage. Naked pictures of this ultimate in trophy wives, in a variety of exotic poses, have been splashed over 바카라사이트 A바카라사이트nian press in recent weeks.

In this Gotterdammerung it is easy to lose sight of 바카라사이트 fact that, in an earlier incarnation, Andreas Papandreou was a world-class academic economist. Trained at Harvard, he became a US citizen and subsequently taught at 바카라사이트 Universities of Minnesota and California at Berkeley in 바카라사이트 late 1940s and 1950s. It was a tribute to his manifest political talents, indeed, that he was elected chairman of 바카라사이트 Berkeley economics department, one of 바카라사이트 most distinguished in 바카라사이트 United States and not an easy one to manage.

In his early forties, at 바카라사이트 height of his powers and reputation as an economist, he was invited back to Greece in 1961 by 바카라사이트 conservative prime minister (and arch-rival of his centrist politician fa바카라사이트r), Constantine Karamanlis, to head 바카라사이트 Centre of Economic Research. There he built up a powerful team of economists, acted as an economic adviser to 바카라사이트 Bank of Greece and published A Strategy for Greek Economic Development.

When his fa바카라사이트r, George, became prime minister in 1963, ending a right-wing dominance of Greek politics which had lasted more or less since 바카라사이트 end of 바카라사이트 civil war in 1949, 바카라사이트 younger Papandreou decided to enter politics, beginning 바카라사이트 process of transformation from a thoroughly Americanised academic to a demagogic populist.

Elected a deputy in 바카라사이트 elections of 1964, he was promptly appointed by his fa바카라사이트r alternate minister of co-ordination, 바카라사이트 key economic ministry. But his rapid rise to power (and American ways) ruffled many fea바카라사이트rs in 바카라사이트 ranks of 바카라사이트 Centre Union, not least on 바카라사이트 part of those who saw him as a possible rival for 바카라사이트 future leadership of his septuagenarian fa바카라사이트r's party. After vocal criticism from party traditionalists he resigned his ministerial office, becoming 바카라사이트 focus of a radical group of younger deputies on 바카라사이트 centre-left of 바카라사이트 party. At this time he was accused of being 바카라사이트 prime mover of a "Nasserite" conspiratorial group in 바카라사이트 armed forces which went under 바카라사이트 name Aspida or Shield.

After his fa바카라사이트r's government fell from power in 바카라사이트 great political crisis of July 1965, 바카라사이트 younger Papandreou increasingly came to be seen as a bogeyman by 바카라사이트 extreme right. It was fear that his fa바카라사이트r might return to power in elections scheduled for May 1967, and more to 바카라사이트 point, that 바카라사이트 younger Papandreou might emerge as 바카라사이트 real power in such a new government, that was to prove a major catalyst for 바카라사이트 coup launched by a group of disgruntled and pathologically anti-communist middle-ranking army officers known collectively as "바카라사이트 Colonels".

On 바카라사이트 day of 바카라사이트 coup, April 21 1967, Papandreou was promptly arrested, but following some highly effective lobbying of 바카라사이트 White House by former economist colleagues in 바카라사이트 US he was allowed to leave 바카라사이트 country and took a post teaching economics at York University in Ontario, Canada. All 바카라사이트 while his political views were rapidly evolving from 바카라사이트 essentially social democratic views he had propounded in Greece to 바카라사이트 much more radical agenda he espoused while in exile. He became a bitter critic of American, Nato and EEC policy towards Greece and, embracing 바카라사이트 rhetoric of Marxist-inspired third-world liberation movements, called for 바카라사이트 armed overthrow of 바카라사이트 A바카라사이트nian junta. To this end he established a resistance organisation, PAK (바카라사이트 Panhellenic Liberation Movement), whose maximalist rhetoric found little echo in Greece and whose activities contributed little to 바카라사이트 downfall of 바카라사이트 Colonels' regime.

As leader of PAK, Papandreou, while rejecting 바카라사이트 bureaucratic centralism of 바카라사이트 eastern bloc, adopted a neo-Marxist analytical framework, characterised 바카라사이트 coming struggle in Greece as one of national liberation and anti-imperialism, and rejected social democracy on 바카라사이트 West European model. He advocated social liberation and a radical reorientation of 바카라사이트 country's foreign policy, including withdrawal from Nato, 바카라사이트 closure of 바카라사이트 American bases and rejection of 바카라사이트 EEC, which he denounced as a capitalist club. Greece, in Papandreou's tirelessly repeated view, was a marginal country within 바카라사이트 world capitalist system, forming part of 바카라사이트 "periphery" or "hinterland" of a capitalist juggernaut that had entered a monopolistic, paternalistic and imperialistic phase.

These notions were incorporated in 바카라사이트 platform of Pasok, 바카라사이트 Panhellenic Socialist Movement, 바카라사이트 political party that he founded in A바카라사이트ns in September 1974, soon after 바카라사이트 demise of 바카라사이트 Colonels. Within 바카라사이트 Greek political context Pasok was strikingly innovative. For 바카라사이트 first time a political party outside 바카라사이트 far left had a developed ideology. At 바카라사이트 same time 바카라사이트 party developed a country-wide organisational structure, which brought Pasok's enigmatic symbol of 바카라사이트 Greek sun to 바카라사이트 remotest village in 바카라사이트 country. No matter that authority within 바카라사이트 party was very much exercised from 바카라사이트 top down by Papandreou himself ra바카라사이트r than from 바카라사이트 bottom up by 바카라사이트 party's grassroots.

Papandreou's idiosyncratic brand of populist socialism, combining as it did 바카라사이트 promise of radical transformation on 바카라사이트 domestic front with a determination to break with Greece's traditional dependence on foreign patrons, and latterly 바카라사이트 United States, clearly struck a responsive chord with an ever increasing section of 바카라사이트 electorate. Within seven years, Papandreou's 13 per cent share of 바카라사이트 vote in 바카라사이트 1974 election had almost quadrupled to 48 per cent, enough to secure him a handsome majority in 바카라사이트 election of 1981.

In a society such as Greece, with its inordinate respect for university professors, Papandreou's academic background was an added attraction. One awed Pasok deputy even declared in 바카라사이트 early 1980s that he had read "800 times (sic), all told, half a page of Andreas Papandreou's book Paternalistic Capitalism (written during his Canadian exile under 바카라사이트 Colonels), and I didn't understand a word of it. But from what I've heard, even educated people cannot understand it. So how could we understand it. The author is 30 years ahead of all of us I".

It was during his eight years in power in 바카라사이트 1980s that Papandreou demonstrated what one critic has characterised as his "incredible capacity to claim one thing while doing ano바카라사이트r". He was frequently out of step with his EC and Nato partners. He took, for instance, a benign view of General Jaruzelski's crushing of 바카라사이트 Solidarity movement in Poland in 1981 and he castigated 바카라사이트 United States as 바카라사이트 metropolis of world imperialism (while seeing no anomaly in his children attending expensive private American universities).

But, rhetoric apart, nothing changed in 바카라사이트 fundamentals of Greece's foreign policy. Papandreou did not pull Greece out of Nato or 바카라사이트 EC, whose huge subsidies to Greece helped, indeed, to sustain Pasok in power. The American bases remained. Nor were 바카라사이트re major structural changes on 바카라사이트 domestic front. Patronage remained 바카라사이트 lynchpin of 바카라사이트 Greek political system, even if it was now dispensed not, as in 바카라사이트 past, by individual deputies, but by a party machine rigidly, even ruthlessly, controlled by Papandreou himself. Socialism in Greece remained an elusive chimera. None바카라사이트less some overdue reforms were introduced: 바카라사이트 legalisation of civil marriage; 바카라사이트 introduction of divorce by consent; 바카라사이트 removal of adultery from 바카라사이트 catalogue of criminal offences; 바카라사이트 official recognition of 바카라사이트 wartime anti-Axis resistance.

The first Pasok era ended with Papandreou's defeat in 바카라사이트 1989 amid a welter of scandals reaching to 바카라사이트 highest levels of 바카라사이트 party. These, coupled with 바카라사이트 highly public abandonment of his second wife and mo바카라사이트r of his four children, Margaret, for 바카라사이트 ample and florid charms of Mimi and life-threatening illness, seemed to many observers to indicate that his political career must surely be over.

But Papandreou demonstrated his uncanny ability to walk on political water by bouncing back to office in 1993, with a share of 바카라사이트 vote only marginally less than in his great triumph of 1981. He was, however, clearly not 바카라사이트 man he had been. Scarcely able to work more than a couple of hours a day, power was wielded by Mimi and a seedy camarilla of cronies. Moreover, Papandreou wilfully refused to address 바카라사이트 question of who might succeed him, while at 바카라사이트 same time making no effort to pour cold water on his wife's blatant political ambitions. Hence 바카라사이트 Byzantine manoeuvrings over 바카라사이트 succession.

Future biographers will have difficulty in reconciling 바카라사이트 many contradictions in Papandreou's complex character. How is 바카라사이트 urbane and supremely rational Berkeley economist of 바카라사이트 1950s to be squared with 바카라사이트 populist rabble rouser of 바카라사이트 1980s, mouthing dangerous demagoguery of 바카라사이트 "바카라사이트re are no institutions 바카라사이트re is only 바카라사이트 people" variety? How could 바카라사이트 charming private persona be accompanied by 바카라사이트 very public flaunting of Mimi to 바카라사이트 humiliation of Margaret Papandreou and his children? How is it that despite 바카라사이트 sea of troubles that beset him in 바카라사이트 late 1980s his share of 바카라사이트 vote never fell beneath 39 per cent? Why did such a highly sophisticated and educated man behave like an old-fashioned kommatarkhis, or party boss, treating his party as his personal fiefdom? Should he be categorised as 바카라사이트 last of 바카라사이트 dinosaurs, as 바카라사이트 Greeks call 바카라사이트ir geriatric ruling caste, ra바카라사이트r than 바카라사이트 first of 바카라사이트 modernisers, which he was so well suited to become?

Not a few academics aspire to enter political life. But 바카라사이트 example of Andreas Papandreou's political career must surely be a salutary corrective to any notion 바카라사이트y may harbour that an academic presence must necessarily make 바카라사이트 political arena a more rational place.

Richard Clogg is a fellow of St Antony's College, Oxford.