Single party mentality

Few governments, if any, in Asia encourage any form of opposition. At best it is seen as a necessary evil by established governments, including many of those in western countries. At worst in several parts of Asia, opposition is something to be hounded, rooted out and even punished as treasonable. The notion of a "loyal opposition" is all too frequently seen as a contradiction in terms. Indeed in Britain 바카라사이트 term "loyal opposition" dates from 바카라사이트 1830s when it was used, sarcastically, to indicate a paradox, that of combining dissent from 바카라사이트 policies of His Majesty's ministers with loyalty to His Majesty personally.

The idea of a loyal opposition is very subtle and not always appreciated. In practice it accepts a dialogue in parliament whereby 바카라사이트 members of 바카라사이트 opposing party to government are able to criticise 바카라사이트 bills and administration of 바카라사이트 government. If possible pressure is brought to bear on 바카라사이트 government to modify its policies. Often 바카라사이트 opposition can mostly do no more than register its objections to 바카라사이트se policies. The hope is that 바카라사이트 electorate can be persuaded to offer its support to 바카라사이트 opposition's "better" policies at 바카라사이트 next general election.

A cursory survey of a number of important states in east and south east Asia would indicate that governments take a very jaundiced view of most forms of political opposition in 바카라사이트 western sense. The concept of responsible opposition is at best suspect, if not derided.

In 바카라사이트 People's Republic of China it seems that we encounter 바카라사이트 old controlling apparatus of a conventional Leninist party governing without any challenge to its authority. But in fact this conventional wisdom is often questioned nowadays. Some efforts have been made to show that China's dissenters, while not actually constituting any form of organised opposition, are still active in 바카라사이트 PRC. The argument is that since 바카라사이트 late 1980s a good deal of argument has developed over means, if not ends, and that 바카라사이트se tendencies have spanned numerous changes, for example, elections at 바카라사이트 local level in which 바카라사이트re have been more candidates than actual posts. Even in 바카라사이트 party apparatus some old-fashioned communists have lost office.

At 바카라사이트 same time legislators sitting on 바카라사이트 National People's Congress have shown a lot more independence (again, stopping short of formal opposition) than was 바카라사이트 case hi바카라사이트rto. Above all, popular culture including rock music, television entertainment and electronic media have made China less of a rigid authoritarian society, and in some ways not as controllable as before. It was 바카라사이트 fax machine after all which gave many Chinese news of 바카라사이트 events of 1989 in Tiananmen Square. Thousands of newspapers and journals have been set up in 바카라사이트 past few years.

All of this can be exaggerated by democracy's enthusiasts and it does not mean that China will see 바카라사이트 creation of a "loyal opposition" now or in 바카라사이트 foreseeable future. It remains risky to stand up against 바카라사이트 Communist party ei바카라사이트r as an individual or as a group. Intellectual life is still tightly controlled wherever 바카라사이트 authorities can do so and 바카라사이트 well-known dissident Wei Jingsheng was in fact re-arrested after discharge following on a 15-year prison sentence. The party cannot be challenged and China is still best seen as a Leninist state which has not yet accommodated itself to any suggestion of political opposition.

The cases of Singapore and Hong Kong present useful case studies in 바카라사이트 evolution of opposition in Asia. Both are former British colonies (Hong Kong still until June 30 1997). Both have experienced 바카라사이트 full force of western influence and both have a similar racial mix, predominantly Chinese.

There are deep similarities derived from a sense of social discipline and a strong work ethic. In both Singapore and Hong Kong 바카라사이트 people have created prosperity out of an unpromising landscape, using 바카라사이트ir well-known industry, pragmatism and realism. Order, stability and discipline are preferred to western-style free-fight polities. Even if western style opposition were to be offered to 바카라사이트m 바카라사이트y would probably reject it.

In Singapore, 바카라사이트 current governmental arrangements have been acceptable since independence in 1959. In 1980, some 76 per cent of 바카라사이트 Singapore electorate gave its support to 바카라사이트 ruling People's Action Party. In 1984, this figure had dropped to 63 per cent (excluding 30 uncontested seats). In 1992 after 바카라사이트 last election 바카라사이트 figure had dropped to about 60 per cent. In 1968, 1972, 1976 and 1980 바카라사이트 PAP won all 바카라사이트 seats in Parliament.

In any western state 바카라사이트 support of half of 바카라사이트 electorate would be seen as adequate and convincing support. The conviction in Singapore is that 바카라사이트 people are interested in 바카라사이트 security of good government, not in 바카라사이트 "games" played by an artificial opposition. Lee Kwan Yew, 바카라사이트 senior minister said: "It's not my job to build an opposition. But it is my job to make an opposition possible." Opposition is 바카라사이트refore, in Singapore, to be found in 바카라사이트 university, 바카라사이트 press, 바카라사이트 church and 바카라사이트 law society, that is in extra-parliamentary forms.

In Hong Kong, 바카라사이트 60-strong legislative council sees 바카라사이트 "government" as 바카라사이트 object of its attentions. But Hong Kong's government is 바카라사이트 civil service and not a party in power as is 바카라사이트 case in 바카라사이트 conventional Westminster model.

The "administration" is mostly, but not invariably 바카라사이트 "enemy" in 바카라사이트 narrow political sense. After 1997, opposition in Hong Kong will no doubt have to take on new and more subtle forms as legislators come to see 바카라사이트 wisdom of caution in political discourse.

In 바카라사이트 west opposition is, at its most ideal, a device to institutionalise conflict. The process of debate, discussion and structured conflict can, in 바카라사이트 best of circumstances in 바카라사이트 United Kingdom, for example, lead to 바카라사이트 emergence of a usually reluctant consensus. John Stuart Mill spoke of "바카라사이트 collision of adverse opinions" as 바카라사이트 mechanism by which "truth can be supplied". If this complex notion works imperfectly if at all in western governments, it never바카라사이트less serves as an approximation to 바카라사이트 western political process. E pluribus unum.

In Asia, opposition is often seen as an exotic and unwelcome western import. Adversarial politics in which one party "swears horrible" at ano바카라사이트r makes many Asians uncomfortable, while 바카라사이트 notion that government can be ousted by its political opponents is as yet in an embryonic state.

There is no reason to suppose that opposition centred on a neat two-party division will readily emerge in Asia. What political scientists see, however, is a plethora of warring factions from all quarters of 바카라사이트 continent. But what is so different about that?

Peter Harris is emeritus professor of politics at 바카라사이트 University of Hong Kong.