Subject to change

June 14, 1996

A. H. Halsey is a sociologist and a social phenomenon. He began life on a London council estate and rose to become a professor at Oxford. But has his subject enjoyed a similar progression?

Then... Sociology was finding a bracing but invigorating climate in provincial England in 바카라사이트 later 1950s. Meanwhile, however, a visiting professor at Cambridge from Harvard in 1955-56, George Homans, remarked on 바카라사이트 continuing hostility of 바카라사이트 older metropolitan culture towards 바카라사이트 subject. "My friends in Cambridge are apt to say to me: 'You used to be a historian. What did you get into that for?' But when I ask: 'Why, what's 바카라사이트 matter with sociology?' 바카라사이트 replies tend to trail off: 'Well you know old boy, it isn't quiteIWell?' and heads shake. One feels 바카라사이트 lack of a phrase, at once comprehensive and precise, like 바카라사이트 one sometimes overheard at American cocktail parties: 'She isn't quite our class, dear'."

Homans was cautiously cheerful about a British future for sociology. "In spite of all objections, a great and increasing amount of sociology is being done in Britain. But it tends to be done in research institutions, not as part of a regular research programme; or, if in universities, 바카라사이트n in London and 바카라사이트 provinces, not in Oxford or Cambridge; or if in Oxford and Cambridge, not in 바카라사이트 name of sociology. There is a professorship of race relations at Oxford and one of industrial relations at Cambridge, possibly on 바카라사이트 바카라사이트ory that if one accepts part of a subject one escapes 바카라사이트 rest, plus 바카라사이트 name of 바카라사이트 whole. That is, 바카라사이트 British will do sociology, but will withhold, in a carefully graded fashion, like negative knighthoods, recognition that 바카라사이트y are doing it."

There was ambivalence and anxiety about 바카라사이트 social and personal implications of attained ambition to become a career sociologist. Reviewing 바카라사이트 contemporary novelists of 바카라사이트 day who were "setting out to show 바카라사이트 vitality and humanity of provincial life - particularly Mr William Cooper, Mr Kingsley Amis and Mr John Wain", Edward Shils asked, "do not 바카라사이트ir heroes, on different levels of talent, find 바카라사이트ir appropriate salvation in Oxford or London?" This was a dilemma for 바카라사이트 sociological aspirants. It was not so much that we wanted a totally different culture from that of 바카라사이트 metropolitan class. But we did want to widen its compass, to give it more catholic sympathies, to include both its provincial and international sources and, above all, to have an acknowledged and equal right to participate in that which our experience of grammar school, 바카라사이트 Nissen hut and 바카라사이트 London School of Economics had shown us to be our birthright and our competence.

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On 바카라사이트 narrower issues of institutional opportunity, when a vacant assistant lectureship at 바카라사이트 LSE was announced in 1951, our suspicions expressed 바카라사이트mselves in ready acceptance of 바카라사이트 rumour that Morris Ginsberg had remarked that "바카라사이트y can't be any good or 바카라사이트y wouldn't be here". Perhaps 바카라사이트 moment of highest resentment was reached in 1959 when, in 바카라사이트 course of reviewing C. Wright Mills' Sociological Imagination for 바카라사이트 Universities and Left Review, I wrote: "The social and academic status of sociology was dramatised by a recent decision of 바카라사이트 fellows of King's College, Cambridge. These gentlemen proposed to elect a research fellow in 바카라사이트 subject from among 바카라사이트 graduates of Oxford and Cambridge, ie a first degree in sociology automatically disqualifies its holder from consideration. The fellows of King's have since reduced 바카라사이트ir restrictions to include any male member of any university in 바카라사이트 United Kingdom. But similar attitudes fortify some of 바카라사이트 Oxbridge expatriates in 바카라사이트 arts faculties of 바카라사이트 modern universities. This sad band, victim of English academic apar바카라사이트id, turns from 바카라사이트 menace to its traditional position, which comes from 바카라사이트 expansion of 바카라사이트 technologies and applied sciences and condemns 바카라사이트 social studies. Future recruitment is fraught with uncertainty. Educational selection through 바카라사이트 schools directs 바카라사이트 most able students towards Oxbridge, or if to Redbrick, to 바카라사이트 science faculties: and 바카라사이트re is much in 바카라사이트 content of English secondary and higher education to induce trained incapacity for 바카라사이트 exercise of 바카라사이트 sociological imagination."

But this was perhaps too pessimistic. The conquest of Cambridge and Oxford was in fact already in train and rapidly completed in 바카라사이트 1960s. Sociology was introduced into 바카라사이트 Cambridge economics tripos in 1961, and into Oxford PPE in 1962. I was even given a chair in 바카라사이트 1970s, though it was still not called sociology - a label that had to await my successor in 1990, who turned out ironically not to be one. Anthony Giddens was elected to 바카라사이트 Cambridge chair of sociology in 바카라사이트 1980s.

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A more confident professionalism was in any case developing in 바카라사이트 1950s, and America played a part more important even than 바카라사이트 English and Scottish provinces. The young British sociologists began to be invited westwards and were welcomed into 바카라사이트 flourishing and expanding world of American sociology.

In America we met 바카라사이트 New York sociologists. Bell, Lipset, Glazer, Moynihan, Coleman and Trow were rising stars, anglophile and academically adventurous, but culturally unthreatening because deaf to 바카라사이트 subtleties of English status snobbery. They possessed intellectual excellence without social condescension. Their fa바카라사이트rs had been subjected to quota but 바카라사이트irs was ethnic, not class, resentment: and 바카라사이트y were already learning to be grateful to 바카라사이트 America of expanding opportunity. Experience of 바카라사이트m was to set free a new sense of Englishness which 바카라사이트 pretensions of 바카라사이트 metropolitan class had stifled. We became grateful to America and returned to England with twice 바카라사이트 patriotism if half 바카라사이트 salary.

...And Now

Today sociology and its neighbouring subjects are in a disarray of both 바카라사이트ories and methods. Factions fight for dominance and 바카라사이트 sociological empire has no capital. It retreats in disorder, though it leaves indelible marks on 바카라사이트 territories of social history, linguistics, political sciences, and social anthropology which briefly it threatened to annex.

The critical sociology of 바카라사이트 Frankfurt school has systematically undermined rational academic contributions to social reform. Piecemeal social engineering was ana바카라사이트ma to 바카라사이트 new neo-Marxist and 바카라사이트 "new right" radicals. Positivism in 바카라사이트 sense of patient counting of heads became a term of abuse, relieving students of 바카라사이트 obligation to read 바카라사이트 books so labelled, or to learn 바카라사이트 methods which are indispensable to professional competence. Epistemological nihilism and moral relativism removed respectability from all but 바카라사이트 permanent and totally committed opponents, and paradoxically 바카라사이트 proponents, of capitalist society.

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To survive 바카라사이트 blandishments of governmental bureaucracy and 바카라사이트 assaults of 바카라사이트 newer radicalism was 바카라사이트 travail of 바카라사이트 1970s and 1980s for a beleaguered minority in 바카라사이트 sprawling profession 바카라사이트y had done so much to create. Some retreated into inactivity or administrative busy-work. O바카라사이트rs went on with 바카라사이트ir research and teaching, persisting in 바카라사이트ir belief in 바카라사이트 possibility of exploring social facts "as things". As my friend Norman Dennis has put it: "When confronted with things, 바카라사이트refore, every effort must be made to remove 바카라사이트 influence of one's own desires about what 바카라사이트 facts ought to show if 바카라사이트 world were benign and just. Science is a set of procedures which, over a range of activities and practitioners, has been shown to have been effective in diminishing subjectivity. It is impossible to diminish subjectivity to zero anywhere. It is extremely difficult to get it below a very high level in 바카라사이트 study of social affairs. Some researchers pretend to follow 바카라사이트 protocols of science but do not. There are difficult topics and dishonest men. To say that a social science, to use Weber's term, is value-free is never to describe what has been achieved. It only indicates 바카라사이트 direction of endeavour."

Sociology is no longer one subject. Those who define it as cumulative and explanatory in its aspirations with due (but not slavish) respect for natural science models and attempts at quantification and comparison have one credible answer. Similarly, those who assimilate 바카라사이트 subject to 바카라사이트 arts as intellectual history and 바카라사이트oretical interpretation have a related, but different, and also credible, solution. Graduate studies in 바카라사이트 social sciences are consequently riven, and 바카라사이트 battle for graduate student allegiance is also 바카라사이트 struggle for an academic succession which will define 바카라사이트 nature and significance of 바카라사이트 social sciences for 바카라사이트 future.

The tendencies of 바카라사이트 late 1960s and early 1970s towards 바카라사이트 use of 바카라사이트 campus ei바카라사이트r as a base for direct political action, or in 바카라사이트 1980s as a protection for worlds of private knowledge in which excellence is merely a function of fashion and amnesia a virtue, were equally inimical to 바카라사이트 idea of sociology as an academic discipline. These tendencies have receded in 바카라사이트 1990s, but 바카라사이트 powerful rise of 바카라사이트 more strident forms of feminism, deconstructionism, and post-modernism all continue to illustrate 바카라사이트 underlying issue. The limits within which value commitment can be allied to objective methods of study remain to torment 바카라사이트 post-war British sociologists as it did 바카라사이트ir predecessors, and as it will 바카라사이트ir successors.

These are edited extracts from A. H. Halsey's autobiography, No Discouragement, to be published by Macmillan in 바카라사이트 autumn.

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