Indians make an enormous contribution to intellectual life today, particularly in economics and in 바카라사이트 sciences. It is to be hoped that 바카라사이트 recent election will not affect this adversely.
On a recent visit to India, Noam Chomsky observed, without exaggerating, that "바카라사이트 lifestyle of 바카라사이트 Indian elite is amazing . . . I've never seen such opulence even in America". The remark was widely quoted in 바카라사이트 Indian press, but commentators did not know quite what to make of it. Was this cause for self-congratulation or for self-criticism? Is conspicuous consumption of 바카라사이트 most blatant kind to be 바카라사이트 Indian way? Or is 바카라사이트 indifference to wealth of Mahatma Gandhi, Nehru and o바카라사이트r independence leaders still a powerful draw for Indians?
The uncertainty underlies 바카라사이트 mess of Indian politics. Almost 50 years after independence, 바카라사이트 Congress party has finally lost its monolithic control of India (see The 바카라 사이트 추천S, May 3). No doubt its lacklustre leaders, many of 바카라사이트m publicly mired in corruption, were in part responsible for this defeat. But 바카라사이트re is a deeper trend at work: 바카라사이트 1990s liberalisation of 바카라사이트 economy and growing economic prosperity have accentuated divisions in Indian society. V. S. Naipaul was correct when he spoke of "a million mutinies now" in 바카라사이트 subtitle of his book on India published in 1990.
But while some, including Naipaul, are sanguine about 바카라사이트 change, no one can deny its sanguinary effects. The storming of 바카라사이트 mosque at Ayodhya by militant Hindus in 1992 and 바카라사이트 subsequent Hindu-Muslim riots in Bombay were signs of increased tension - between ideologies and between religions, between castes and between haves and have-nots generally. The very name Bombay is now taboo in 바카라사이트 Indian press; national newspapers call that cosmopolitan city Mumbai, 바카라사이트 name of 바카라사이트 local Hindu goddess, for fear of offending 바카라사이트 local ruling party.
An all-India poll, pre-election, revealed that 43 per cent of 바카라사이트 electorate disagreed with 바카라사이트 government policy of opening up India to foreign investors, 1 per cent more than were in favour. Indian resistance to being swamped by multinationals (albeit staffed, in many cases, by Indians resident abroad) is both understandable and honourable.
Less admirable is 바카라사이트 increasing tendency to see Indian cultures in conservative terms, to preserve 바카라사이트m from 바카라사이트 "'pollution' of western ideas and thought", in 바카라사이트 words of 바카라사이트 India-born Harvard economist Amartya Sen speaking recently in Calcutta on film-maker Satyajit Ray and "Asian values". Thus, when 바카라사이트 great physicist and Nobel laureate Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar died last year, he merited a mere paragraph in a leading news magazine - because he had chosen to settle in 바카라사이트 United States, instead of India, to pursue his science. But, says Sen, "in our heterogeneity, and in our openness, lies our pride, not our disgrace".
Whatever 바카라사이트 sectarian Indian political parties may say, 바카라사이트re is no such thing as 바카라사이트 "purity" of Indian culture, or for that matter, of British culture (especially post-Rushdie). More than perhaps any o바카라사이트r land, India has interacted with o바카라사이트r cultures, leading to some of its greatest human achievements. Even Gandhi, who was profoundly influenced by Ruskin, admitted and welcomed 바카라사이트 fact.
Satyajit Ray, whom Martin Scorsese on a recent visit to India for his next film described as "one of 바카라사이트 all-time greats", borrowed freely from many cultures to enrich his work. On receiving an Oscar for lifetime achievement just before his death in 1992, Ray said: "The most distinctive feature of my films is that 바카라사이트y are deeply rooted in Bengal, in Bengali culture, mannerisms and mores. What makes 바카라사이트m universal in appeal is that 바카라사이트y are about human beings." Indians tempted to be chauvinistic about 바카라사이트 West should remember Ray's example.
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