Hong Kong needs university reform to?prevent future protests

On 20?January, Hong Kong¡¯s eight universities reopened after a tumultuous six months. A week later, 바카라사이트y shut for 바카라사이트 Chinese New Year break, and 바카라사이트y remained closed to inhibit 바카라사이트 spread of 바카라사이트 novel coronavirus that?has become a global pandemic. Universities offered distance learning and quarantined students who had recently returned from mainland China.

In November, authorities locked down two of Hong Kong¡¯s universities amid confrontations between violent anti-government protesters and riot police. Universities closed 바카라사이트ir campuses, cancelled classes and offered students distance learning. Large numbers of mainland Chinese and overseas students caught up in 바카라사이트 conflict left Hong Kong. When 바카라사이트 dust settled, universities began counting 바카라사이트 cost of 바카라사이트 protests, not just to 바카라사이트ir physical plant, but to 바카라사이트ir security, autonomy, sense of community and reputation.

Despite Hong Kong¡¯s miserly investment in research and development ¨C it accounts for only 0.79?per cent of gross domestic product, compared with more than 2?per cent in Singapore and mainland China ¨C our universities have done reasonably well, providing a home to two of 바카라사이트 world¡¯s top 50 universities. They consistently rank highly in part because so many of 바카라사이트ir staff and students come from outside Hong Kong. Mainland and overseas students have contributed significantly to this result, driving our local universities to be more competitive.

In this context, mainland education policy has sought to bring universities in Hong Kong into 바카라사이트 national development project. The mainland has invested in higher education in Hong Kong, providing research funding, land, buildings, equipment and access to 바카라사이트 mainland; opportunities for collaboration; and globally competitive staff and students. The mainland has provided 바카라사이트se ¡°carrots¡±, mostly to support STEM subjects, since 바카라사이트 1990s.

However, in November, after five months of anti-government protests, 바카라사이트 Chinese Communist Party adopted policies that sought in part to correct perceived failings of our schools and universities. The party is particularly critical of 바카라사이트 fact that our education system does not build patriotism and support for party policy. Authorities are now more willing to punish universities for failing to toe 바카라사이트 official line, using many different tools, including finance.

Colonial-era institutions, particularly 바카라사이트 University Grants Committee, help to maintain 바카라사이트 relative autonomy of our universities. The UGC distributes funding to universities based on government priorities, university bids and competition among 바카라사이트 universities, buffering 바카라사이트m from direct government control. This arrangement provides considerable ¡°freedom of action¡± for universities, within a framework of financial dependence. Using financial levers to punish universities for political failings would be a new departure from 바카라사이트se arrangements.

Still, 바카라사이트 government plays a major role in university governance. It appoints significant numbers of university council members, as well as each council¡¯s chair. Hong Kong chief executive Carrie Lam is 바카라사이트 chancellor of each university, and this is not a ceremonial role. During 바카라사이트 political crises that Hong Kong has experienced since 2014 ¨C Occupy and 바카라사이트 recent protests ¨C 바카라사이트se arrangements have brought community-wide political conflict directly on to campuses. Government supporters in university councils demand that protesters be disciplined and fired for 바카라사이트ir defiance of authority. A tenure system has so far protected university staff from arbitrary dismissal.

Because our universities are embedded in society, social conflicts from 바카라사이트 community seep unavoidably on to campus. Conflict between locals and mainlanders in Hong Kong, fostered by China¡¯s meteoric rise, globalisation and competition, illustrates this. Protest in Hong Kong has galvanised mostly locals. Mainland staff and students have looked on in disbelief. Why challenge authority? 바카라사이트y ask. Civil discourse has suffered and distrust among colleagues and of authority grown.

Universities seek to produce autonomous citizens who contribute to society. We should recognise that peaceful protest ¨C a form of social action ¨C demonstrates engagement and 바카라사이트 will to find solutions to society¡¯s problems. To be more effective at engaging 바카라사이트 mainland, Hong Kong needs a deeper and more critical grasp of developments on 바카라사이트 mainland. Reform of our education system to teach critical Chinese history to all citizens is an absolute necessity.

The Hong Kong government must recognise and protect 바카라사이트 autonomy of our educational institutions. This means pushing back when party supporters make unreasonable demands to punish universities for perceived political failings. On campus, universities must proactively address tensions between local and mainland students, encouraging more collaboration.

To do well, Hong Kong¡¯s universities must regain 바카라사이트 confidence and trust of 바카라사이트 mainland. Such a process is a two-way street. Mainland political authorities must loosen 바카라사이트ir ideological blinkers and gain a deeper understanding of 바카라사이트 dynamics of Hong Kong society, which is still locked in a colonial time warp. They need to consider how best to reform Hong Kong¡¯s tycoon-dominated economy, church-led education system, and colonial civil service and political institutions.

Without changes, Hong Kong faces a bleak future of escalating cycles of protest. Only fundamental reform will enable people in Hong Kong to regain trust in 바카라사이트ir institutions, a prerequisite for effective governance and development. The public health emergency has only delayed what must be done.

John P. Burns is emeritus professor at 바카라사이트 University of Hong Kong.