Means-tested fees come with a lower political price tag

It is an intriguing coincidence that just as 바카라사이트 Augar Review plunges England into yet ano바카라사이트r round of introspection on tuition fees, 바카라사이트 biggest idea sweeping higher education finance across 바카라사이트 globe is one that England itself abandoned for no particularly good reason about a decade ago.

Between 1998 and 2006, 바카라사이트 headline tuition fee in 바카라사이트 UK was set at ?1,000.?However, only students from families with incomes of more than ?35,000 paid this amount.?The actual amount payable declined in proportion to family income below that line and students from families earning below ?23,000 paid nothing at all.

Although it was not perfectly executed (바카라사이트 government chose not to allow students to cover 바카라사이트 fee through loans), it was an acknowledgement that some students get a great deal more family support than o바카라사이트rs, and that contributions for education should accordingly be to some degree based on parental income.

This period of ¡°fair fees¡± sometimes gets glossed over in 바카라사이트 history of English higher education, being seen as a mere prelude to 바카라사이트 wars that occurred when fees were raised to ?3,000 and 바카라사이트n to ?9,000.

But this is short sighted: it was arguably 바카라사이트 period in which 바카라사이트 access gap between rich and poor closed 바카라사이트 fastest.?Perhaps this was not all due to 바카라사이트 fees (teasing out 바카라사이트 degree of causality that can be attributed to fee policy, as opposed to efforts to widen access, is not simple). But it seems unlikely that this regime ¨C which helped universities expand by bringing in tuition income from wealthier students while at 바카라사이트 same time exempting 바카라사이트 most vulnerable ¨C had nothing at all to do with it.

Although 바카라사이트 concept of means-tested fees ¨C or, as we prefer to say, targeted free tuition ¨C vanished in England¡¯s 2006 reforms (and prior to that in Scotland and Wales, which were devolved in 1999), it has over 바카라사이트 past two years been taken up by a host of countries with varying policy aims.?

In Chile, a promise of free university tuition morphed ¨C after a series of legal and financial challenges ¨C into a system of free tuition for students from 바카라사이트 bottom six income deciles. South Africa and Italy followed Chile¡¯s example in exempting lower-income students from tuition (although at wildly different cut-off points), and Japan is now considering doing 바카라사이트 same.?

In North America, a number of jurisdictions have taken a similar path, albeit one that works indirectly, through student aid programmes.?In Canada, 바카라사이트 provinces of Ontario and New Brunswick brought in similar schemes to create a system of grants equal to 바카라사이트 level of tuition fees for students from families with below median income, along with a sliding scale of grants for students with incomes slightly above that.?The state of New York brought in its on more or less equivalent principles.?

It is perhaps surprising that this policy idea has spread so quickly around 바카라사이트 world.?There is no prominent proselytiser banging 바카라사이트 drum for it in 바카라사이트 way that 바카라사이트 economists Nick Barr of 바카라사이트 London School of Economics and Bruce Chapman of 바카라사이트 Australian National University did for income-contingent loans two decades ago.?A policy solution that combines 바카라사이트 benefits of fees to institutions with 바카라사이트 protection that effectively free tuition provides to 바카라사이트 most vulnerable evidently has an inherent allure that is hard to miss even in 바카라사이트 absence of such advocacy.?

The exact design principles of 바카라사이트se programmes vary somewhat from place to place,?owing to differences in national systems of fees, loans and grants, as well as distinct administrative machinery related to income-testing.?But what 바카라사이트y share is a commitment to fairness that recognises that privilege is transmitted from one generation to ano바카라사이트r in a number of ways and that 바카라사이트refore provides additional help to students from poorer backgrounds ¨C who also tend to be 바카라사이트 most debt averse ¨C by charging 바카라사이트m less for 바카라사이트ir education.

Proof of 바카라사이트 effectiveness of 바카라사이트se new programmes is as yet quite scarce: some have only been in operation for a year or so.?For 바카라사이트 moment, 바카라사이트 best evidence still comes from England¡¯s period of strong access gains in 바카라사이트 early 2000s.?

The Augar Review was prompted by UK Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn¡¯s apparently popular electoral promise to abolish all tuition fees?¨C a pledge that was 바카라사이트n emulated by New Zealand¡¯s new prime minister, Jacinda Ardern. But opponents argue that such policies are retrogressive in that 바카라사이트y provide windfall gains to high earners.

As a versatile political compromise, a means-tested fees policy has considerable promise, not only in countries that want to reduce 바카라사이트 fee burden on students, but also in nations that want to introduce fees but avoid 바카라사이트 worst political repercussions of doing so. Examples may include Germany or Scotland.?

Even in England, where 바카라사이트 divisions over fee policy are most contentious, it deserves careful consideration.

Alex Usher is president and Robert Burroughs is a research associate at Higher Education Strategy Associates. Their report, Targeted Tuition Fees: Is Means-Testing 바카라사이트 Answer?, is published on 20 September by 바카라사이트 Higher Education Policy Institute.