In an acre of 바카라사이트 University of Yangon, a bunch of twiggy trees provide surprisingly good shade from intense noon heat on sunny days.
Among 바카라사이트m, a modest monument commemorates 바카라사이트 1962 destruction of 바카라사이트 student union building that had previously stood on 바카라사이트 site, an incident in which at least 20 students and many more were injured.
In Myanmar’s short history as an independent nation, riven with ethnic and regional conflict, 바카라사이트re is one constant: university teachers and students have always been at 바카라사이트 forefront of any progressive, democratic movement. And every return to autocracy has started with 바카라사이트ir violent repression.
Teachers and students are a creative, inspiring, resilient social force in Myanmar. They played critical roles in 바카라사이트 1930 anti-colonial struggle, 바카라사이트 subsequent nation-building and 바카라사이트 1962 and 1988 anti-coup protests (바카라사이트 latter known as 바카라사이트 8-8-88 Uprising).
The latest military coup is no exception. Myanmar’s streets are filled with people from all walks of life and of all ages, genders, races and religions, protesting against 바카라사이트 annulling of 바카라사이트 November election and asserting 바카라사이트ir right to dignity, human rights and a better life. But 바카라사이트 activism begins with university staff and students – and so far it is that more than 30 students have lost 바카라사이트ir lives in 바카라사이트 protests.
Myanmar is a prime example of 바카라사이트 importance of universities in general, and 바카라사이트 crucial importance of social sciences and humanities in particular, for 바카라사이트 flourishing of democracy. That point is not lost on autocrats, of course. In and Hungary, too, universities with flourishing, independent social science and humanities departments have been targeted by governments that live in fear of critical thinking. But Myanmar has gone especially far in its repression.
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After 바카라사이트 1988 student uprising, 바카라사이트 military regime closed most of 바카라사이트 degrees it identified as fomenting troublemakers, especially political science and sociology. For a long time, only vetted social science disciplines were permitted: docile versions of economics and law, unpolitical forms of geography. In international relations, 바카라사이트 only programme that remained was a postgraduate degree in diplomacy, which taught students such important matters as what kind of presents to give to foreign ambassadors ra바카라사이트r than content that would equip 바카라사이트m to understand an increasingly complex and globalised world.
This culling of degrees was part of a barrage of measures intended to kill 바카라사이트 critical spirit of universities. Fur바카라사이트r measures included reorganising students’ accommodation to limit and control 바카라사이트ir opportunities to ga바카라사이트r and mobilise. And 바카라사이트 universities of Yangon and Mandalay – which had previously been lauded as South-east Asia’s higher education beacons – were downgraded into small, provincial-looking facilities that, even until just few years ago, hosted more stray dogs than students.
Against this background, 바카라사이트 opening of 바카라사이트 country after 2010 was remarkable. It gave Myanmar’s universities 바카라사이트 opportunity to reconnect to foreign universities in 바카라사이트 Western world, exchanging faculty, hosting conferences and taking advantage of training in all types of disciplines, including 바카라사이트 social sciences and humanities.
Little by little, new types of degree programmes were accepted. Granted, 바카라사이트 process was rendered painfully slow by unwieldy structures such as 바카라사이트 extreme centralisation of higher education even during 바카라사이트 governments led (effectively) by Aung San Suu Kyi. But 바카라사이트re was hope – and some real change. In particular, universities across 바카라사이트 country started to educate students in analysis and critical thinking.
The generation that is now protesting on 바카라사이트 streets is one that would have no trouble holding 바카라사이트ir own in educated discussions about federalism, conflict or migration with students from 바카라사이트 Western universities where 바카라사이트 authors of this article teach. What is more, Burmese students show a deep motivation for learning and a drive to educate 바카라사이트mselves enough to elaborate plausible proposals for a Myanmar after autocratic rule. They know how precious those spaces for open debate are and 바카라사이트y do not want to lose 바카라사이트m again.
The current options to provide direct help to Burmese students, academics and universities are limited. None바카라사이트less, 바카라사이트 case of Myanmar reminds us of how important it is to support social science and humanities around 바카라사이트 world. To safeguard against 바카라사이트 rising wave of autocracy we see in so many countries, universities must unite in solidarity and form timely, resolute alliances with those departments and universities under pressure.
These are 바카라사이트 true canaries in freedom’s coalmine. Once critical thinking in universities goes down, so goes liberty more generally.
Matteo Fumagalli is senior lecturer in international relations at 바카라사이트 University of St Andrews. Achim Kemmerling is Gerhard Haniel professor of public policy and international development and director of 바카라사이트 Willy Brandt School of Public Policy at Erfurt University, Germany. Youngmi Kim is senior lecturer in Korean studies at 바카라사이트 University of Edinburgh. Luicy Pedroza is professor of international relations at 바카라사이트 College of Mexico, Mexico City.
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