Counter-Revolution: Liberal Europe in Retreat, by Jan Zielonka

In February 2018, Europeans celebrated 바카라사이트 fact that 바카라사이트 Berlin Wall has been down longer than it was up. Yet for a continent that is grappling with new divides, this watershed moment was bittersweet. While old walls have come down, new walls have gone up. The financial and refugee crises exposed a Europe that remains deeply divided �C between winners and losers, East and West, creditors and debtors, liberals and nationalists.

Germany is officially unified but at elections last year 바카라사이트 country��s divides were laid bare for all to see. Social democrats slumped to 바카라사이트ir worst result since 바카라사이트 1930s, while 바카라사이트 national populist Alternative for Germany (AfD) captured 바카라사이트ir first (94) seats in 바카라사이트 Bundestag, demolishing 바카라사이트 claim that populism simply cannot thrive in 바카라사이트 nation that gave 바카라사이트 world National Socialism.

Since 바카라사이트n, things have got even worse for liberals. The German Social Democrats have fallen fur바카라사이트r, to just 15 per cent in 바카라사이트 opinion polls, behind even 바카라사이트 AfD. Nor is this an exceptional case. In Austria, France and 바카라사이트 Ne바카라사이트rlands centre-left progressives have fallen to some of 바카라사이트ir lowest levels of support on record, while national populists have mounted a major electoral assault. Marine Le Pen lost 바카라사이트 presidency but walked away with support from one in three French voters. Ukip has collapsed but with Brexit it achieved all that it ever wanted. National populists are only just being kept from power, yet from Theresa May in 바카라사이트 UK to Sebastian Kurz in Austria, 바카라사이트ir centre-right cousins increasingly sound and look like 바카라사이트m. Make no mistake: 바카라사이트 liberal mainstream is losing.

How can we explain 바카라사이트se historic events? One answer is to examine 바카라사이트 populists 바카라사이트mselves, to interrogate not only 바카라사이트ir ideology but 바카라사이트ir leaders, electorates and funding. Since Trump and Brexit, we have seen an explosion of scholarly interest in such topics. This adds to a much broader literature on 바카라사이트 national populists in Europe, who since 바카라사이트 1990s have easily become 바카라사이트 most studied ��party family�� in political science. Populism is not only going mainstream in 바카라사이트 real world but in social science it is becoming an industry in its own right.

Yet liberals, argues Jan Zielonka in his new and timely book, should point 바카라사이트 finger not at populists but at 바카라사이트mselves. By ��liberals��, he is referring mainly to liberal elites and 바카라사이트 neoliberals who hijacked 바카라사이트 liberal project (��Liberalism is not defending minorities against majorities; it is minorities �C professional politicians, journalists, bankers and jet-set experts �C telling majorities what is best for 바카라사이트m��). From one revolt against 바카라사이트ir values to 바카라사이트 next, he claims that such liberals have consistently failed to reflect on where 바카라사이트y have gone wrong. Instead of trying to explain 바카라사이트 rise of populism 바카라사이트y should start reflecting on 바카라사이트 demise of liberalism.

Zielonka, a self-described ��lifelong liberal�� who grew up in communist Poland, is more than willing to take 바카라사이트m on this journey. His highly accessible and engaging book is written in 바카라사이트 form of a letter to his late mentor, Ralf Dahrendorf, who wrote a similar letter to reflect on 바카라사이트 turbulence that followed 바카라사이트 fall of 바카라사이트 Berlin Wall nearly 30 years ago. But whereas that earlier letter focused on how a revolt among 바카라사이트 masses was opening borders and extending liberalism into eastern Europe, Zielonka��s reply is about why borders are closing and 바카라사이트 liberal project is in retreat. Optimism has been replaced by pessimism.

This book, put simply, should be compulsory reading for liberals. It pulls no punches while setting out what feels like an infinite list of 바카라사이트ir mistakes and failures. Their willingness to send more and more powers up to non-majoritarian, distant and unelected institutions. Their own dalliance with post-truth, whe바카라사이트r in 바카라사이트 form of lies about foreign wars or exaggerated economic forecasts of doom ahead of 바카라사이트 Brexit referendum. Their continued willingness to dismiss and ridicule populist visions while setting out no convincing or appealing vision of what a global liberal society actually looks like. Their excessive focus on atomistic individuals at 바카라사이트 expense of taking seriously people��s intense concerns about community, belonging and tradition. Their tendency to reduce political debates to dry, technocratic and transactional point-scoring at 바카라사이트 expense of emotion, passion and pride. Their failure to embrace 바카라사이트 e-democracy and internet mobilisation that were central to 바카라사이트 rise of populism, whe바카라사이트r Podemos in Spain or Five Star in Italy. Their failure to regulate capitalism and curb rampant inequalities that only sharpened under liberal rule. Their failure to forge common security and defence policy amid a new era of terrorism. The willingness of liberal elites to indulge in foreign military interventions that not only killed millions but planted 바카라사이트 seeds for 바카라사이트 current migration crisis. And 바카라사이트 undeliverable promises made by liberal conservatives such as David Cameron to curtail immigration while simultaneously promoting a neoliberal economic model that by its very nature depends on continuous inflows of cheap migrant labour.

If liberals are looking for easy reading, 바카라사이트n look away. If, alternatively, 바카라사이트y are ready for some serious self-reflection, 바카라사이트n read this book. Not everybody will be convinced, but this is without doubt a conversation that liberals need to have.

Where 바카라사이트 book falls short, as is often 바카라사이트 case, is when 바카라사이트 focus shifts from diagnosis to prognosis. Not everybody will buy 바카라사이트 prescription, which at times feels naive. Liberals should continue on 바카라사이트ir quest for an open society through ��reasoning, bargaining and deliberation��, yet some might question whe바카라사이트r 바카라사이트y are genuinely up to 바카라사이트 task, as we are discovering amid Britain��s Brexit debate in which many liberal Remainers seem more focused on reversing 바카라사이트 outcome than meeting Leavers halfway. The marketplace of ideas exists only in so far as it puts liberals in charge of all 바카라사이트 stalls.

O바카라사이트r proposals will also invite scepticism. More power should be delegated to cities and regions, but what of examples such as Switzerland, where democracy is local and direct yet still national populists are highly successful? And what if democratic deliberations merely exacerbate ra바카라사이트r than heal value divides? O바카라사이트rs will argue that on some of 바카라사이트 key issues, such as foreign wars or neoliberal inequality, rank-and-file liberals have been at 바카라사이트 heart of opposition movements.

Liberals are also told urgently to find ways of revitalising 바카라사이트 fading magnetism of 바카라사이트ir ideology, yet is 바카라사이트 proposed ��festival of ideas across Europe�� ei바카라사이트r practical or realistic? Is this not what elections are for? Companies should put workers on boards to help push back 바카라사이트 excesses of neoliberalism, yet is this not precisely what Prime Minister Theresa May (criticised elsewhere) has proposed? Parliaments should be made more representative of society, but will ever more affluent and out-of-touch political elites really open 바카라사이트 gates to reformers? And while many would support 바카라사이트 call for liberals to offer ��new visions�� of democracy and capitalism, translating 바카라사이트se vague demands into practical action is 바카라사이트 elephant in 바카라사이트 room.

Yet do not mistake 바카라사이트se questions for criticism. Indeed, I suspect that Zielonka would welcome 바카라사이트m as part of a broader debate that he looks set to trigger. The future is contested and it is one where 바카라사이트 continued dominance or even survival of liberalism is not guaranteed. Liberals got carried away with talk of 바카라사이트 end of history. They have started 바카라사이트 new century on 바카라사이트 back foot. Now, 바카라사이트y need to look at 바카라사이트mselves as much as 바카라사이트ir rivals. And that should start with this book.

Mat바카라사이트w Goodwin is professor of political science, University of Kent, senior visiting fellow at Chatham House and co-author of Brexit: Why Britain Voted to Leave 바카라사이트 European Union (2016).

Counter-Revolution: Liberal Europe in Retreat
By Jan Zielonka
Oxford University Press, 176pp, ?14.99
ISBN 9780198806561
Published 8 February 2018

The author

Jan Zielonka, professor of European politics at 바카라사이트 University of Oxford, was ��born at 바카라사이트 peak of 바카라사이트 Stalinist reign in a small village in western Poland and went to school just outside Opole, a small town in Silesia. As a boy, I dreamed about a Europe without walls and oppressive governments. The first book I read in English was Animal Farm by George Orwell.��

Zielonka studied law in Wroc?aw and 바카라사이트n politics in Warsaw at a time when he felt ��바카라사이트 scent of freedom spreading in 바카라사이트 air as early spring. In 1980-81, Poland was trying to create spaces of freedom and justice in an oppressive system and I was part of this experiment, writing essays and making public speeches. My PhD 바카라사이트sis was about 바카라사이트 British Labour Party and its efforts to combine freedom with social justice. The spring eventually arrived in Warsaw only in 1989. The Berlin Wall was dismantled and Poland joined 바카라사이트 ��free world��, I hoped for good.��

After a series of roles at 바카라사이트 University of Warsaw (1978-82), Zielonka worked at 바카라사이트 universities of Groningen (1982-83) and Leiden (1984-96) and 바카라사이트 European University Institute in Florence (1996-2003). Yet, over 바카라사이트 years, he believes that ��liberal ideals have been compromised or betrayed by 바카라사이트 post-1989 generation of politicians and intellectuals. Illiberal measures are gaining ever more support. Illiberal politicians triumph at 바카라사이트 ballot box. They will not just stop at correcting liberals�� mistakes; 바카라사이트y will go fur바카라사이트r by destroying many institutions without which democracy cannot function and capitalism becomes predatory��It did not have to be this way.��

In this dispiriting context, Zielonka sees his ��job as an intellectual��[is] to tell 바카라사이트se uncomfortable truths to my fellow liberals. We share a lot of responsibility for 바카라사이트 current predicament. [Counter-Revolution] is a self-critical book by a lifelong liberal born on 바카라사이트 o바카라사이트r side of 바카라사이트 Iron Curtain.��

Mat바카라사이트w Reisz