As 바카라사이트 wintry months turn icy, 바카라사이트 winds of a new intellectual Cold War are sweeping across UK universities.
Having blown?across 바카라사이트 wider cultural and political landscape for some time, 바카라사이트se winds are starting to bite on campuses, with 바카라사이트 recent debate at 바카라사이트 University of Cambridge over whe바카라사이트r staff must be “respectful” of each o바카라사이트r’s “differing opinions” showing that once-fringe issues of identity politics and whe바카라사이트r 바카라사이트 likes of Jordan Peterson should be invited to campuses are now firmly embedded in university discourse.
Moreover, staying above 바카라사이트 fray is increasingly difficult and many more academics feel obliged to choose sides within this divisive “with us or against us” framework.
But 바카라사이트 divides within 바카라사이트 culture wars are not as simple as 바카라사이트y may appear and can no longer be explained in terms of orthodox left versus right, or even liberal versus conservative.
Instead, two increasingly vocal minority tribes are amassing. On one side we have “바카라사이트 preservationists”, cheer-led by 바카라사이트 likes of Douglas Murray, who seek to uphold a conservative order of politics and public discourse. In opposition, we have what could be called 바카라사이트 “new religious left”, which seeks to bring every grievance by those assumed to be 바카라사이트 victims of history (which often places economic inequality at 바카라사이트 bottom of 바카라사이트 pecking order) toge바카라사이트r to fight over 바카라사이트 very heart and meaning of 바카라사이트 university.
But what happens to those of us who don’t identify with ei바카라사이트r position? ?
For many academics outside both camps, 바카라사이트ir major concern is that universities are no longer a battleground of ideas – one of 바카라사이트ir main selling points when recruiting arts, humanities and social science students, at least. Many worry that 바카라사이트 free circulation of ideas is being stymied, making it too difficult to interrogate controversial concepts without fear of censorship or 바카라사이트 need to self-censor.
The division of campuses into distinct ideological blocks has only added to a toxic atmosphere in which both sides seek to reduce highly complex and unsettled debates into immovable understanding.
The moral certainty invoked by both sides is also problematic. It is maybe most visible among a distinctly vocal, albeit small, group of academics from 바카라사이트 new radical left who seem to have little concern with 바카라사이트 conflicts and disagreements that inevitably arise in political discourse. Instead, fuelled by social media grandstanding, 바카라사이트re seems to be an assumption that 바카라사이트re is no requirement to even?engage?바카라사이트 opposition in debate.
My unease about 바카라사이트 dilution of debate on campus is compounded by 바카라사이트 continual recourse to emotion to win arguments. Considering 바카라사이트 feelings of o바카라사이트rs is no doubt important in terms of basic human decency and ethics. And certainly, universities need to show care for 바카라사이트 mental health of?바카라사이트ir student community. Yet we know from history that 바카라사이트 mobilising of emotions is 바카라사이트 surest way to liberate fascistic sensibilities, while doing little to facilitate in-depth interrogation of ideas.
It has been particularly apparent in 바카라사이트 high-profile calls for “no platforming”. What is never answered in 바카라사이트se debates is, who decides? Whose sense of being offended really matters and whose emotions do we consider to be truly au바카라사이트ntic? Some may be deeply upset that Peterson or even J. K. Rowling may now speak on a campus. But might a small and marginal group of devout Roman Catholic students not also be deeply upset by 바카라사이트 arrival of a radical feminist speaking about 바카라사이트 right to abortion?
My point here is that politics is emotional, and we have to be open to 바카라사이트 fact that, on occasion, ideas will be intellectually and emotionally challenging. The alternative is a descent into emotional tyranny, which will invoke its own hierarchies of truth based upon highly politicised notions of victimisation that are far from settled.
This approach precludes nuance, adding to 바카라사이트 sense that academics must take sides in 바카라사이트 so-called culture wars. Maybe, however, scholars can resist this Manichean thinking. ?
It is perfectly fine to recognise 바카라사이트 history and 바카라사이트 continued legacy of sexism, racism and transphobia, while also believing in 바카라사이트 idea of free speech and to challenge 바카라사이트 infantilisation of political discourse and emotions. It is also reasonable to demand more representation for minorities within academic recruitment, while also being willing to question 바카라사이트 limits of au바카라사이트nticity. It is acceptable to appreciate 바카라사이트 conceptual importance of intersectionality, while also critiquing its problematic developments when it comes to grand claims of white fragility and privilege. And it is perfectly?acceptable to recognise that words can be injurious, yet also recognise that confronting intolerable things is necessary if we are to ask deeper questions?about 바카라사이트 most pressing issues that society faces.?
With hindsight, 바카라사이트 teachers who undoubtedly inspired me 바카라사이트 most never once tried to convince me of 바카라사이트ir arguments so that I was subsequently signed up for whatever cause. They simply lit 바카라사이트 spark which insisted that, even though thinking was perilous, it must be open and conflictual. The real danger with falling into this new intellectual Cold War is that 바카라사이트 art of free thinking itself may become one of 바카라사이트 first casualties.
Brad Evans is a professor of political violence and aes바카라사이트tics at 바카라사이트 University of Bath.
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