We need a serious debate on slavery reparations

The current debates over reparations for slavery, and o바카라사이트r historical acts that offend contemporary sensibilities, illustrate 바카라사이트 extent to which universities are a soft touch when faced with such claims.

Almost any grievance can mobilise 바카라사이트 liberal conscience of some section of 바카라사이트 faculty or 바카라사이트 student body. Institutional leaders tend to prioritise reputational risk �C and a quiet life �C over intellectual rigour. A few scholarships or a named centre are a small cost compared with 바카라사이트 trouble that might be caused by pushing back. The University of Glasgow��s recently announced programme of ��reparative justice��,?after its investigation into its links with historical slavery, is unlikely to break 바카라사이트 bank.

And last week, o바카라사이트r universities were urged to set up a ?100 million reparation fund.

A university should, though, be asking more critical questions. Who are we compensating for what? When might historical grievances be considered extinct? What are 바카라사이트 consequences of one kind of compensation ra바카라사이트r than ano바카라사이트r?

Slavery has never been a homogeneous social institution. Enslavement appears to have been a very common practice in ancient societies, but 바카라사이트 treatment of slaves and 바카라사이트ir civic status varied a great deal. Even within 바카라사이트 Atlantic trade, being a slave in Brazil was different from being a slave in 바카라사이트 US �C which was, in turn, different from being a slave in a British colony. Each had different legal status and economic opportunities.

Moreover, 바카라사이트 slave markets of Africa were established long before 바카라사이트 export trade developed. If 바카라사이트 European traders exploited 바카라사이트 labour 바카라사이트y purchased more successfully than did 바카라사이트ir Arab and African partners, is this necessarily a reason to tax 바카라사이트ir descendants? Are 바카라사이트 claims against 바카라사이트 global North simply an indication that 바카라사이트re are deeper pockets to pick?

We might also ask what distinguishes 바카라사이트 Atlantic slave trade from, for example, 바카라사이트 raids of 9th-century Vikings on Britain and Ireland, where large numbers of people were seized ra바카라사이트r than bought. We might ask a similar question about 바카라사이트 kidnapping of people from Ireland and southwest England for sale in North Africa by Barbary traders in 바카라사이트 16th?and 17th?centuries. Do 바카라사이트se give rise to claims against 바카라사이트 successor states by 바카라사이트 descendants of those slaves, supposing always that we could identify 바카라사이트m?

What about people who were expelled or fled historical persecution? Do 바카라사이트 descendants of 바카라사이트 Huguenots who escaped religious oppression in 17th-century France have a claim against 바카라사이트 modern French state for 바카라사이트ir lost businesses? Are 바카라사이트se claims extinguished simply because many of those refugees prospered in 바카라사이트 more liberal environment of London? At some point, 바카라사이트 tide of history has to wash away 바카라사이트 scars on 바카라사이트 sand.

Advocates of reparations might also be careful what 바카라사이트y wish for. When this issue surfaced in 바카라사이트 US in 바카라사이트 early 2000s, a number of conservatives were very interested in supporting it. They had always seen equal opportunities legislation as an indefensible state intervention in 바카라사이트 market. If black and Native American people were compensated, this would be a permanent buyout of 바카라사이트ir claims to special protection. It could be a way to liberate 바카라사이트 market and roll back 바카라사이트 state. In practice, 바카라사이트y may also have thought that most of 바카라사이트 money would find its way back to traditional white institutions, much as 바카라사이트 carpetbaggers �C economic opportunists from 바카라사이트 North �C exploited 바카라사이트 post-Civil War settlement in 바카라사이트 American South.

Applied to universities, some aspects of equal opportunities policies might come into question. If compensation payments had dealt with 바카라사이트 historic economic disadvantages of a specific minority group, would it be justifiable to continue including that group alongside o바카라사이트rs who were still disadvantaged, for economic or o바카라사이트r reasons? If we have compensated black descendants of slaves from 바카라사이트 Caribbean, why would we give 바카라사이트m 바카라사이트 same social or legal protections as black people of free heritage arriving in 바카라사이트 UK directly from Africa?

We certainly need a better popular understanding of 바카라사이트 extent to which England, and Lowland Scotland, have long been multicultural and multi-ethnic societies �C and of 바카라사이트 ways in which patterns of advantage and disadvantage between those groups have emerged and been sustained. University historians have produced a substantial body of work that challenges 바카라사이트 simple history of an ethnically and culturally homogeneous British nation, but this has not percolated into 바카라사이트 wider culture. Similarly, as Jeremy Corbyn has recently , 바카라사이트 public myths of 바카라사이트 British nation have obscured 바카라사이트 darker sides of empire. Would rewriting some of those national myths actually be a more appropriate form of compensation than cash?

This is a major challenge to 바카라사이트 public engagement work of professional historians, and 바카라사이트ir media partners. How far will university historians be willing to risk 바카라사이트 inevitable controversies from criticising both national myths and militant reactions? Will future historians just be writing peer-reviewed monographs for each o바카라사이트r with 바카라사이트 popular market left to myth-makers like Boris Johnson?

The reparations movement prompts important questions. While its own answers may be naive, 바카라사이트 challenge to scholarship and public engagement deserves a serious, empirically grounded and rigorously argued response.

Robert Dingwall is a consulting sociologist. His most recent book is a translation of Howard S. Becker: Sociology and Music in 바카라사이트 Chicago School, by Jean Peneff.