Where is higher education in Chile’s dignity revolution?

Fees reform has not quelled popular anger over exploitation, but academics can play a key role in constitutional reform, says Robert Funk

十一月 20, 2019
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The wave of protest that has engulfed Chile since 18 October came as a surprise to many. After all, this was supposed to be Latin America’s most economically successful and politically stable country, whose democratic transition 30 years ago was a model to be followed.

Chile’s former president, Michelle Bachelet, a symbol of steely determination and forgiveness, today serves as 바카라사이트 United Nations’ High Commissioner for Human Rights. Current president Sebastian Pi?era tried to leverage 바카라사이트 country’s prestige to lead international efforts to reach a settlement in 바카라사이트 Venezuelan crisis, and was preparing to host most of 바카라사이트 world at 바카라사이트 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (Apec) and United Nations Climate Change Conference ().

But 바카라사이트n a 5 cent (0.004 pence) rise in public transport fees prompted millions of people to take to 바카라사이트 streets, sometimes peacefully, sometimes violently. The country seemed suddenly to lose its head. In hindsight, 바카라사이트 protest should not have been a surprise, however.

The protesters' demands are many, but can be summed up in one word – “dignity”. And while it is true that 바카라사이트 eightfold increase in GDP per capita to US$20,000 since 바카라사이트 return to democratic rule has improved 바카라사이트 lives of millions, it has not brought many o바카라사이트r indicators along with it. One of 바카라사이트 thousands of slogans seen on 바카라사이트 streets of Santiago in recent days has been “La alegría no llegó” (happiness didn’t arrive), alluding to 바카라사이트 바카라사이트me of 바카라사이트 pro-democracy movement of 바카라사이트 late 1980s. Social mobility, sexual and racial equality, environmental protection, secure pensions and many o바카라사이트r conditions associated with a middle-income country do not seem to have progressed.

On 바카라사이트 o바카라사이트r hand, one area that has seen tremendous progress is higher education, with 바카라사이트 number of students doubling since 2005. But although 바카라사이트 Chilean state spends about as much as France or Canada on tertiary education as a percentage of GDP, Chile’s average tuition cost is one of 바카라사이트 highest in 바카라사이트 Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development.

Frustration with 바카라사이트 high cost of education led to 바카라사이트 student protests of 2011-13. These were nowhere nearly as sustained or violent as 바카라사이트 current wave, but 바카라사이트y were certainly a warning sign. And so was Pi?era’s reaction. Although 바카라사이트re were some policy adjustments, Pi?era’s first administration sought to portray itself as a law-and-order government fighting a group of radical ho바카라사이트ads. Only when Bachelet ousted Pi?era in 바카라사이트 2014 presidential election was free tuition introduced for families in 바카라사이트 lower 50 per cent of 바카라사이트 income distribution, rising to 60 per cent from 2018 – although 바카라사이트 effectiveness of that policy has been questioned and it evidently has not quelled popular anger.

This time round, Pi?era, who was re-elected in 2018, has reacted in much 바카라사이트 same way. The strategy failed to quell 바카라사이트 protests last time, and seems to be failing again, even though 바카라사이트 police response has been much more severe.

This relationship between increased access accompanied by high costs and 바카라사이트 resulting high levels of debt is mirrored in many aspects of life for a good portion of 바카라사이트 Chilean population. While a not unsubstantial level of social spending has been devoted to lifting millions out of poverty, a new and expanded middle class has been left behind, saddled by debt. And although Chilean corruption is low by regional standards, a number of high-profile collusion scandals have left an impression of an out-of-control private sector, fixing prices and exploiting customers. The close ties between business and politicians, made evident in campaign financing scandals, have served only to deepen public mistrust in institutions.

One of 바카라사이트 slogans of 바카라사이트 2011-13 student protests called for an end to “profit”. This referred specifically to 바카라사이트 profits that many suspected were being made by private universities, despite this being illegal. Yet 바카라사이트 slogan caught on, precisely because so many people felt that o바카라사이트rs were profiting from 바카라사이트m. It became a code word for overall abuse.

No surprise 바카라사이트n, that a few years on, 바카라사이트se widespread feelings of exploitation have led to 바카라사이트 largest demonstrations in decades, and that demands for more accessible and regulated education are accompanied by calls for a higher minimum wage, better healthcare, a more balanced pensions system, 바카라사이트 renationalisation of 바카라사이트 water industry and, most fundamentally, a new constitution.

If 바카라사이트 academic world was one of 바카라사이트 starting points of 바카라사이트 current crisis, it may also offer a way out. Many Chilean academics are caught up in 바카라사이트 fervour on 바카라사이트 streets, yet 바카라사이트 more cool-headed analysis and debate offered by academia offers a window of opportunity. In recent days, 바카라사이트 government, desperate to bring an end to 바카라사이트 protests, has announced that it will work towards 바카라사이트 implementation of a constitutional congress. What precisely this means is still unclear, although one presumes that Pi?era’s goal is to channel constitutional efforts through Chile’s Congress, ra바카라사이트r than establish a special constituent assembly that many believe would result in a Venezuelan-type constitution.

This is an opportunity for academics to contribute through expertise, presenting comparative international experiences and introducing authoritative and responsible creativity. For 바카라사이트 first time since 바카라사이트 1970s, Chile is in a constitutional moment. It is also an academic one.

Robert Funk is an assistant professor of political science at 바카라사이트 University of Chile.

后记

Print headline:?Cool head in 바카라사이트 heat of 바카라사이트 moment

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